
Aggiornamento 30 dicembre |
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Assessment of Accumulation Processes at the Middle
Pleistocene Site of Ambrona (Soria, Spain). Density
and Orientation Patterns in Spatial Datasets Derived
from Excavations Conducted from the 1960s to the
Present, di L.
Sánchez-Romero , A. Benito-Calvo, A. Pérez-González,
M. Santonja, December 21, 2016,
http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0167595
- free access -
The
Middle Pleistocene site of Ambrona (Soria, Spain) is
a major reference for European Acheulean studies.
The origin of the lithic and fauna accumulations at
this site was first thought to be anthropogenic, but
later studies showed that it was mainly natural. The
first person to conduct excavations at the Ambrona
site was the Marquis of Cerralbo, in 1914; other
research groups followed in more recent times (the
Howell & Freeman team and the Santonja &
Pérez-González team). The digs yielded a great
amount of information, but until now it had never
been unified. In this paper, we compile all the
available published and unpublished excavation
documentation from the 1960s to the present. We use
these maps and sections to present our spatial study
of the LSM (Lower Stratigraphic Member) at the
Ambrona site, combining stratigraphic criteria with
GIS density and orientation analysis. This study
enabled us to define the main concentrations of the
LSM, providing an initial contribution to an
assessment of their accumulation processes. Most of
the concentrations preserved in the ancient shore
area of the site display marked orientation patterns
which coincide with the direction of the main water
flows into the Ambrona wetland. However, random
orientation patterns were observed in the central
part of the site (Alpha concentration); they may be
mostly preserved without undergoing transport
processes, as previous taphonomic studies also
confirm. (...) |
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The
plant component of an Acheulian diet at Gesher Benot
Ya‘aqov, Israel,
di Y. Melamed, M. E. Kislev, E. Geffen, S. Lev-Yadun,
N. Goren-Inbar, "Proceedings of the National Academy
of Sciences", 20 December 2016, vol. 113, no. 51,
pp. 14674–14679
Diet is central for understanding hominin evolution,
adaptation, and environmental exploitation, but
Paleolithic plant remains are scarce. A unique
macrobotanical assemblage of 55 food plant taxa from
the Acheulian site of Gesher Benot Ya‘aqov, Israel
includes seeds, fruits, nuts, vegetables, and plants
producing underground storage organs. The food plant
remains were part of a diet that also included
aquatic and terrestrial fauna. This diverse
assemblage, 780,000 y old, reflects a varied plant
diet, staple plant foods, environmental knowledge,
seasonality, and the use of fire in food processing.
It provides insight into the wide spectrum of the
diet of mid-Pleistocene hominins, enhancing our
understanding of their adaptation from the
perspective of subsistence. Our results shed light
on hominin abilities to adjust to new environments,
facilitating population diffusion and colonization
beyond Africa. We reconstruct the major vegetal
foodstuffs, while considering the possibility of
some detoxification by fire. The site, located in
the Levantine Corridor through which several hominin
waves dispersed out of Africa, provides a unique
opportunity to study mid-Pleistocene vegetal diet
and is crucial for understanding subsistence aspects
of hominin dispersal and the transition from an
African-based to a Eurasian diet. |
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Direct
isotopic evidence for subsistence variability in
Middle Pleistocene Neanderthals (Payre, southeastern
France), di H.
Bocherens et alii, "Quaternary Science
Reviews", Volume 154, 15 December 2016, Pages
226–236
The
site of Payre (SE France) is presented as a case
study to decipher possible changes in subsistence
and land-use strategies during the middle
Pleistocene in Europe. This study applies carbon and
oxygen isotopic data (δ13C and δ18O) in dental tooth
enamel from four distinct Middle Pleistocene
Neanderthals coming from two phases of occupation.
This allows us to test if these different
Neanderthals were similar in their subsistence
strategies and mobility during their childhood, and
to compare them with terrestrial predators and to
herbivores dwelling in different areas around the
cave. The results show that Neanderthals were
exploiting the environment differently over time in
the absence of a significant environmental change.
This change of environment exploitation coincides
with different durations of occupation. The age of
the individuals allows us to discuss the mobility of
young Neanderthals and the topographies they lived
on before arriving in the cave. The combination of
results obtained from various approaches throws a
new light on the investigation of Neanderthal
ecosystem and land-use patterns during the Early
Middle Palaeolithic in Southeastern France. |
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The
MIS 5.5 terraced deposit of Fosso del Cupo
(Montecelio, Central Italy) and its Mousterian
lithic assemblage: Re-evaluation of a
nineteenth-century discovery,
di P. Ceruleo, F. Marra, L. Pandolfi, C. Petronio,
L. Salari, "Quaternary International", Volume 425,
15 December 2016, Pages 224–236
By
means of a geomorphological study and the
correlation with the geochronologically constrained
terraced deposits of the greater area of Rome, we
attribute to the aggradational phase during marine
isotopic stage (MIS) 5.5 a terraced deposit firstly
described in the earliest local geological reports
of the 19th century, in which a small set of lithic
artifacts and vertebrate fossil remains was
recovered. After this correlation, the sedimentary
deposit of Fosso del Cupo represents the only inland
occurrence of an aggradational deposit of MIS 5.5 so
far recognized in the area of Rome, where a rich
record of lithic industries and faunal assemblages
has been yielded by the sedimentary successions
deposited in response to deglaciation during
sea-level rises of MIS 15 through MIS 7. We have
implemented the lithic and faunal assemblages
through a collection during the geological survey
performed in the area where the terraced deposit
crops out. With an age tightly constrained around
125 ka, the lithic industry and the faunal
assemblage from Fosso del Cupo, although limited in
number, represent an important witness of the early
development of the local Pontinian culture and
should be considered a regional marker, which may
concur to improve the knowledge on the Mousterian of
Central Italy. |
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Mechanical characterization of raw material quality
and its implication for Early Upper Palaeolithic
Moravia, di M.
Moník, H. Hadraba, "Quaternary International",
Volume 425, 15 December 2016, Pages 425–436
Raw
material mechanical tests were conducted to answer
the question whether differences in raw material
procurement among Early Upper Palaeolithic
populations in Moravia (Czech Republic) may have
been driven by different mechanical properties of
those materials. Characterization of mechanical
properties of erratic flints and Krumlovský les I
type chert show that the relatively finer-grained
erratic flints, preferred by local Aurignacian
populations, are more easily and probably also
predictably knapped at higher speeds, such as
reached with soft (antler, wood) percussors, whereas
cherts of Krumlovský les I type, exploited by both
Szeletian and Aurignacian populations, are more
resistant to fracture propagation. This implies the
suitability of the former material for fine blade
and bladelet production, and of the latter to
projectile (e.g. Szeletian leaf points) manufacture,
and possibly explains the export of leaf points from
Szeletian areas (the Krumlov Forest) to Bohunician
and Aurignacian sites within Moravia. Exploitation
of erratic flints was easier as regards Aurignacian,
and probably entire Upper Palaeolithic knapping
technology. Certain tasks, however, were better met
with other raw materials, thus reflecting the
relativity of chipped stone raw material quality
perception in the Palaeolithic. |
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A
reexamination of the Middle Paleolithic human
remains from Riparo Tagliente, Italy,
di J. Arnaud et alii, "Quaternary
International", Volume 425, 15 December 2016, Pages
437–444
Despite new discoveries of human fossil remains,
some aspects of paleoanthropological research are
biased by the poor sample size, which limits our
understanding of intra-species variability among the
different hominin species. In this context,
continuous assessment and reassessment of human
fossil remains discovered decades ago, and often
unknown to the scientific community, represent an
opportunity to address this issue. Moreover,
deciduous teeth are less studied than permanent
dentitions, an aspect which contributes to limit our
understanding. In the present study, we provide a
detailed description of Tagliente 3 (upper right
second deciduous molar) and Tagliente 4 (lower left
deciduous canine), two deciduous teeth from Riparo
Tagliente (Stallavena di Grezzana, Verona)
attributed to Homo neanderthalensis. In terms of
morphology and size, Tagliente 3 presents typical
Neandertal derived features (e.g., likely large
hypocone and complex topography of the
enamel-dentine junction). Although deciduous canines
usually do not provide substantial morphologically
diagnostic information, Tagliente 4 falls in the
upper range of the Neandertal variability for its
bucco-lingual diameter. In terms of tissue
proportions both teeth fall within the Neandertal
range of variation: Tagliente 3 for the enamel
thickness distribution and Tagliente 4 for the
volume of the crown dentine. This work contributes
to increase our knowledge on the variability of
Neandertal deciduous dentition. |
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New
footprints from Laetoli (Tanzania) provide evidence
for marked body size variation in early hominins,
di F. T Masao et alii, December 14, 2016, DOI:
http://dx.doi.org/10.7554/eLife.1956
- free access -
Laetoli is a well-known palaeontological locality in
northern Tanzania whose outstanding record includes
the earliest hominin footprints in the world (3.66
million years old), discovered in 1978 at Site G and
attributed to Australopithecus afarensis. Here, we
report hominin tracks unearthed in the new Site S at
Laetoli and referred to two bipedal individuals (S1
and S2) moving on the same palaeosurface and in the
same direction as the three hominins documented at
Site G. The stature estimates for S1 greatly exceed
those previously reconstructed for Au. afarensis
from both skeletal material and footprint data. In
combination with a comparative reappraisal of the
Site G footprints, the evidence collected here
embodies very important additions to the Pliocene
record of hominin behaviour and morphology. Our
results are consistent with considerable body size
variation and, probably, degree of sexual dimorphism
within a single species of bipedal hominins as early
as 3.66 million years ago. (...)
·
Nuove orme scoperte a Laetoli cambiano lo scenario
su Lucy & famiglia, "Le Scienze", 14 dicembre 2016
·
Meet Chewie, the biggest Australopithecus on record,
di E. Callaway, "Nature News", 14 December 2016 |
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Raw foodies: Europe's earliest
humans did not use fire,
14-DEC-2016
Studying dental plaque from a 1.2 million year old
hominin (early human species), recovered by the
Atapuerca Research Team in 2007 in Sima del Elefante
in northern Spain, archaeologists extracted
microfossils to find the earliest direct evidence of
food eaten by early humans. These microfossils
included traces of raw animal tissue, uncooked
starch granules indicating consumption of grasses,
pollen grains from a species of pine, insect
fragments and a possible fragment of a toothpick.
All detected fibres were uncharred, and there was
also no evidence showing inhalation of microcharcoal
- normally a clear indicator of proximity to fire.
The timing of the earliest use of fire for cooking
is hotly contested, with some researchers arguing
habitual use started around 1.8 million years ago
while others suggest it was as late as
300,000-400,000 years ago. Possible evidence for
fire has been found at some very early sites in
Africa. However, the lack of evidence for fire at
Sima del Elefante suggests that this knowledge was
not carried with the earliest humans when they left
Africa. The earliest definitive evidence in Europe
for use of fire is 800,000 years ago at the Spanish
site of Cueva Negra, and at Gesher Benot Ya'aqov,
Israel, a short time later. (...) |
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Identifying Major Transitions in the Evolution of
Lithic Cutting Edge Production Rates,
di A. Muller, C. Clarkson, December 9, 2016, http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0167244
- free access -
The
notion that the evolution of core reduction
strategies involved increasing efficiency in cutting
edge production is prevalent in narratives of
hominin technological evolution. Yet a number of
studies comparing two different knapping
technologies have found no significant differences
in edge production. Using digital analysis methods
we present an investigation of raw material
efficiency in eight core technologies broadly
representative of the long-term evolution of lithic
technology. These are bipolar, multiplatform,
discoidal, biface, Levallois, prismatic blade, punch
blade and pressure blade production. Raw material
efficiency is assessed by the ratio of cutting edge
length to original core mass. We also examine which
flake attributes contribute to maximising raw
material efficiency, as well as compare the
difference between expert and intermediate knappers
in terms of cutting edge produced per gram of core.
We identify a gradual increase in raw material
efficiency over the broad sweep of lithic
technological evolution. The results indicate that
the most significant transition in efficiency likely
took place with the introduction of small foliate
biface, Levallois and prismatic blade knapping, all
introduced in the Middle Stone Age / Middle
Palaeolithic among early Homo sapiens and
Neanderthals. This suggests that no difference in
raw material efficiency existed between these
species. With prismatic blade technology securely
dated to the Middle Palaeolithic, by including the
more recent punch and pressure blade technology our
results dispel the notion that the transition to the
Upper Palaeolithic was accompanied by an increase in
efficiency. However, further increases in cutting
edge efficiency are evident, with pressure blades
possessing the highest efficiency in this study,
indicating that late/epi-Palaeolithic and Neolithic
blade technologies further increased efficiency.
(...) |
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New
approaches to the study of Quartz lithic industries,
"Quaternary International", Volume 424, Pages 1-250
(7 December 2016). Edited by Arturo de
Lombera-Hermida and Carlos Rodríguez-Rellán.
Articles 18 |
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New
investigations at the Middle Stone Age site of
Pockenbank Rockshelter, Namibia,
di I. Schmidt et alii, "Antiquity-Project Gallery",
Issue 354, December 2016 -
free access -
In
southern Africa, Middle Stone Age sites with long
sequences have been the focus of intense
international and interdisciplinary research over
the past decade (cf. Wadley 2015). Two
techno-complexes of the Middle Stone Age—the Still
Bay and Howiesons Poort—have been associated with
many technological and behavioural innovations of
Homo sapiens. The classic model argues that these
two techno-complexes are temporally separated
‘horizons’ with homogenous material culture (Jacobs
et al. 2008), reflecting demographic pulses and
supporting large subcontinental networks. This model
was developed on the basis of evidence from southern
African sites regarded as centres of subcontinental
developments. (...) |
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The
archaeology of persistent places: the Palaeolithic
case of La Cotte de St Brelade, Jersey,
di A. Shaw, M. Bates, C. Conneller, C. Gamble, "Antiquity",
Volume 90, Issue 354 December 2016, pp. 1437-1453
Excavations at the Middle Pleistocene site of La
Cotte de St Brelade, on the island of Jersey in the
English Channel, have revealed a long sequence of
occupation. The continued use of the site by
Neanderthals throughout an extended period of
changing climate and environment reveals how,
despite changes in the types of behaviour recorded
at the site, La Cotte emerged as a persistent place
in the memory and landscape of its early hominin
inhabitants. The site's status as a persistent place
for these people suggests a level of social and
cognitive development permitting reference to and
knowledge of places distant in time and space as
long ago as at least MIS 7. |
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Neanderthal and Homo sapiens subsistence strategies
in the Cantabrian region of northern Spain,
di J. Yravedra-Sainz de los Terreros et alii, "Archaeological
and Anthropological Sciences", December 2016, Volume
8, Issue 4, pp 779–803
The
Iberian Peninsula is key for the study of the
transition from the Middle to the Upper Palaeolithic
in Europe, as well as for the replacement of
Neanderthals by anatomically modern humans (AMH). On
this subject, the most widespread misconception
assumed that both human species coexisted during a
certain period of time, after which Homo sapiens
imposed on Neanderthals who finally got extinct.
However, recent proposals based on improved dating
methods, discuss this possibility, arguing that the
arrival of AMH was marked by the complete absence of
Homo neanderthalensis in this territory. In that
way, new theories deny the possibility of
coexistence and the disappearance of Neanderthals by
cultural displacement. Covalejos Cave (Velo,
Pielagos, Cantabria), one of the few settlements in
the northern Peninsula with Final Mousterian and
Early Aurignacian levels, supports this hypothesis.
Nevertheless, in this paper, we try to avoid a
direct discussion about this question in order to
centre our analysis on identifying possible
different subsistence strategies between H.
neanderthalensis and anatomically modern humans in
the north of the Iberian Peninsula. Our
zooarchaeological and taphonomic studies reflect
that Neanderthals and anatomically modern humans
exploited the same faunal species, pointing out that
there does not seem to be significant differences in
their behaviour in Covalejos Cave. |
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Tropical forests and the genus
Homo, di
P. Roberts, N. Boivin, J. Lee-Thorp, M. Petraglia,
J. Stock, "Evolutionary Anthropology", Volume 25,
Issue 6, November/December 2016, Pages 306–317
Tropical forests constitute some of the most diverse
and complex terrestrial ecosystems on the planet.
From the Miocene onward, they have acted as a
backdrop to the ongoing evolution of our closest
living relatives, the great apes, and provided the
cradle for the emergence of early hominins, who
retained arboreal physiological adaptations at least
into the Late Pliocene. There also now exists
growing evidence, from the Late Pleistocene onward,
for tool-assisted intensification of tropical forest
occupation and resource extraction by our own
species, Homo sapiens. However, between the Late
Pliocene and Late Pleistocene there is an apparent
gap in clear and convincing evidence for the use of
tropical forests by hominins, including early
members of our own genus. In discussions of Late
Pliocene and Early Pleistocene hominin evolution,
including the emergence and later expansion of Homo
species across the globe, tropical forest
adaptations tend to be eclipsed by open, savanna
environments. Thus far, it is not clear whether this
Early-Middle Pleistocene lacuna in Homo-rainforest
interaction is real and representative of an
adaptive shift with the emergence of our species or
if it is simply reflective of preservation bias. |
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Paléolithique supérieur,
"L'Anthropologie", Volume 120, Issue 5, Pages
441-634 (December 2016)
- De la géographie
sociale en archéologie paléolithique: concepts et
apports du Magdalénien des Pyrénées, di Kathleen
Sterling
- Quand le renne
entra au panthéon du Paléolithique supérieur ?, di
M. Martin
- Objets d’art
gravettiens en stéatite du Massif de l’Estérel.
Étude descriptive et technologique et corrélations
chrono-culturelles, di G. Onoratini, A. Raux, G.
Giacobini, G. Malerba
- Nouvelles données
sur le Magdalénien inférieur de la Région
Cantabrique: le Niveau F de la grotte de El Cierro (Ribadesella,
Asturies, Espagne), di E. Álvarez-Fernández et
alii
- Le comportement
symbolique des derniers chasseurs cueilleurs
paléolithiques : regard sur l’art rupestre du
Magdalénien cantabrique, di A. Ruiz-Redondo
- Temps et réseaux
de l’art paléolithique : la grotte de La Covaciella
(Asturies, Espagne), di M. García-Diez et alii
- La fin du
Paléolithique dans la Catalogne méridionale ibérique
revisitée : nouvelles réponses pour anciennes
questions, di D. Roman et alii |
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Faunal evidence for a
difference in clothing use between Neanderthals and
early modern humans in Europe,
di M. Collard, L. Tarle, D. Sandgathe, A. Allan,
"Journal of Anthropological Archaeology", Volume 44,
Part B, December 2016, Pages 235–246
In
this paper we report a study designed to shed light
on the possibility that clothing differences played
a role in the replacement of the Neanderthals by
early modern humans. There is general agreement that
early modern humans in Europe utilized specialized
cold weather clothing, but the nature of the
clothing used by Neanderthals is debated. Some
researchers contend that they did not use clothes.
Others argue that they were limited to cape-like
clothing. Still others aver that their clothing was
not substantively different in terms of thermal
effectiveness from that of early modern humans. To
test among these hypotheses, we employed a novel
line of evidence—the bones of animals whose skins
may have been made into clothing. We used an
ethnographic database to identify mammalian families
that were used to create cold weather clothing in
the recent past. We then compared the frequency of
occurrence of these families in European
archaeological deposits associated with early modern
humans and Neanderthals. We obtained two main
results. One is that mammalian families used for
cold weather clothing occur in both early modern
human- and Neanderthal-associated strata. The other
is that three of the families—leporids, canids, and
mustelids—occur more frequently in early modern
human strata than in Neanderthal strata. There is
reason to believe that the greater frequency of
canid and mustelid remains in early modern human
strata reflects the use of garments with fur trim.
Thus, these findings are most consistent with the
hypothesis that Neanderthals employed only cape-like
clothing while early modern humans used specialized
cold weather clothing. We end by discussing the
implications of this hypothesis for the debate about
the replacement of the Neanderthals by early modern
humans. |
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Small mammal utilization by
Middle Stone Age humans at Die Kelders Cave 1 and
Pinnacle Point Site 5-6, Western Cape Province,
South Africa,
di A. Armstrong, "Journal of Human Evolution",
Volume 101, December 2016, Pages 17–44
Reported here are the results of a taphonomic
analysis of the small mammals (between 0.75 kg and
4.5 kg adult body weight) and size 1 bovids (≤20 kg
adult body weight) from the Middle Stone Age (MSA)
sites of Die Kelders Cave 1 (DK1) and Pinnacle Point
Site 5-6 (PP5-6), Western Cape Province, South
Africa. This study provides a comprehensive
taphonomic analysis of MSA small mammals with a
focus on discerning the role of humans in their
accumulation and the implications for human
behavioral adaptations. Based on comparisons with
control assemblages of known accumulation, it is
evident that humans accumulated many of the Cape
dune mole-rats, hares, and size 1 bovids at DK1. The
patterning of cut-marked and burned mole-rat remains
at DK1 provides evidence in the MSA for the
systematic utilization of small mammals for their
skins and as a protein source. Unlike DK1, small
mammals and size 1 bovids constitute only a small
portion of the PP5-6 mammals and they exhibit little
evidence of human accumulation. Nocturnal and
diurnal raptors accumulated most of the small fauna
at PP5-6. The nominal presence of small mammals in
the PP5-6 fauna is atypical of MSA sites in the Cape
Floristic Region, where they are abundant and often
constitute large portions of MSA archaeofaunas. DK1
humans maximized the environmental yield by
exploiting low-quality resources, a strategy
employed possibly in response to localized
environmental conditions and to greater human
population densities. In comparison, the MIS5-4
humans at PP5-6 did not exploit small mammals and
instead focused on higher-quality resources like
shellfish and large ungulates. Humans and predators
accumulated few small mammals at PP5-6, suggesting
that these taxa may have been less abundant near the
site and/or that humans could afford to concentrate
on high-quality resources, perhaps because of a
higher-yield local environment. This study suggests
that an adaptive response to the environmental
conditions of MIS4 was to maximize the resource
yield of local habitats to include lower-quality
resources when necessary. The incorporation of these
resources in the face of changing environmental and
perhaps population pressures is a subsistence
adaptation that played a crucial role in the
population stability and expansion evidenced by the
number of sites in the Cape dating to MIS4. |
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Early modern human lithic
technology from Jerimalai, East Timor,
di B. Marwick, C. Clarkson, S. O'Connor, S. Collins,
"Journal of Human Evolution", Volume 101, December
2016, Pages 45–64
Jerimalai is a rock shelter in East Timor with
cultural remains dated to 42,000 years ago, making
it one of the oldest known sites of modern human
activity in island Southeast Asia. It has special
global significance for its record of early pelagic
fishing and ancient shell fish hooks. It is also of
regional significance for its early occupation and
comparatively large assemblage of Pleistocene stone
artefacts. Three major findings arise from our study
of the stone artefacts. First, there is little
change in lithic technology over the 42,000 year
sequence, with the most noticeable change being the
addition of new artefact types and raw materials in
the mid-Holocene. Second, the assemblage is
dominated by small chert cores and implements rather
than pebble tools and choppers, a pattern we argue
pattern, we argue, that is common in island SE Asian
sites as opposed to mainland SE Asian sites. Third,
the Jerimalai assemblage bears a striking
resemblance to the assemblage from Liang Bua, argued
by the Liang Bua excavation team to be associated
with Homo floresiensis. We argue that the near
proximity of these two islands along the Indonesian
island chain (c.100 km apart), the long antiquity of
modern human occupation in the region (as documented
at Jerimalai), and the strong resemblance of
distinctive flake stone technologies seen at both
sites, raises the intriguing possibility that both
the Liang Bua and Jerimalai assemblages were created
by modern humans. |
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The
earliest modern Homo sapiens in China?,
di V. Michel et alii, "Journal of Human
Evolution", Volume 101, December 2016, Pages 101–104
The
origin of modern humans continues to be one of the
most heavily debated topics within paleoanthropology.
Eastern Asia, and particularly China, is a
geographic region that is taking on increasing
importance in resolving some of these debates
(Stringer, 2002; Wu, 2004; Trinkaus, 2005; Norton
and Jin, 2009; Bae, 2010; Liu et al., 2010a,b). The
region is growing in importance because it clearly
served as the stepping off point for major human
dispersals to Australasia, Japan, the Americas, and
eventually Oceania (O'Connell and Allen, 2004;
Goebel et al., 2008; Norton et al., 2010). Finding
modern Homo sapiens (MHS) fossils from securely
dated stratigraphic positions in eastern Asia can,
thus, clearly contribute to knowledge of the timing
and nature of the entrance of modern humans into the
region. In fact, there are a number of studies
documenting dated evidence for the appearance of MHS
in China, suggesting they arrived between ~70 and
130 thousands of years ago (ka) (Shen et al., 2002,
2007, 2013; Bae et al., 2014) (Table 1, Fig. 1).
(...) |
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Limb
Bone Structural Proportions and Locomotor Behavior
in A.L. 288-1 ("Lucy"),
di C. B. Ruff , M. L. Burgess, R. A. Ketcham, J.
Kappelman, November 30, 2016, http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0166095
- free access -
While there is broad agreement that early hominins
practiced some form of terrestrial bipedality, there
is also evidence that arboreal behavior remained a
part of the locomotor repertoire in some taxa, and
that bipedal locomotion may not have been identical
to that of modern humans. It has been difficult to
evaluate such evidence, however, because of the
possibility that early hominins retained primitive
traits (such as relatively long upper limbs) of
little contemporaneous adaptive significance. Here
we examine bone structural properties of the femur
and humerus in the Australopithecus afarensis A.L.
288–1 ("Lucy", 3.2 Myr) that are known to be
developmentally plastic, and compare them with other
early hominins, modern humans, and modern
chimpanzees. Cross-sectional images were obtained
from micro-CT scans of the original specimens and
used to derive section properties of the diaphyses,
as well as superior and inferior cortical
thicknesses of the femoral neck. A.L. 288–1 shows
femoral/humeral diaphyseal strength proportions that
are intermediate between those of modern humans and
chimpanzees, indicating more mechanical loading of
the forelimb than in modern humans, and by
implication, a significant arboreal locomotor
component. Several features of the proximal femur in
A.L. 288–1 and other australopiths, including
relative femoral head size, distribution of cortical
bone in the femoral neck, and cross-sectional shape
of the proximal shaft, support the inference of a
bipedal gait pattern that differed slightly from
that of modern humans, involving more lateral
deviation of the body center of mass over the
support limb, which would have entailed increased
cost of terrestrial locomotion. There is also
evidence consistent with increased muscular strength
among australopiths in both the forelimb and hind
limb, possibly reflecting metabolic trade-offs
between muscle and brain development during hominin
evolution. Together these findings imply significant
differences in both locomotor behavior and ecology
between australopiths and later Homo. (...)
·
La predilezione per gli alberi degli
australopitechi, "Le Scienze", 01 dicembre 2016 |
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The wanderers,
di A. Gibbons, "Science", 25 Nov 2016, Vol. 354,
Issue 6315, pp. 958-961
The
famous site of Dmanisi, Georgia, offers an
unparalleled glimpse into a harsh early chapter in
human evolution, when primitive members of our genus
Homo struggled to survive in a new land far north of
their ancestors' African home, braving winters
without clothes or fire and competing with fierce
carnivores for meat. The 4-hectare site has yielded
beautifully preserved fossils that are the oldest
hominins known outside of Africa, including five
skulls, about 50 skeletal bones, and an
as-yet-unpublished pelvis unearthed 2 years ago.
These fossils are showing that the first hominins to
leave Africa were startlingly primitive, with small
bodies about 1.5 meters tall, simple tools, and
brains one-third to one-half the size of modern
humans'. |
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MesoLife: A Mesolithic
perspective on Alpine and neighbouring territories,
"Quaternary International", Volume 423, Pages 1-314
(22 November 2016). Edited by Federica Fontana,
Davide Visentin and Ursula Wierer
Articles 21 |
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Testing Dietary Hypotheses of East African Hominines
Using Buccal Dental Microwear Data,
di L. Mónica Martínez, F. Estebaranz-Sánchez, J.
Galbany, A. Pérez-Pérez, November 16, 2016, http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0165447
- free access -
There is much debate on the dietary adaptations of
the robust hominin lineages during the
Pliocene-Pleistocene transition. It has been argued
that the shift from C3 to C4 ecosystems in Africa
was the main factor responsible for the robust
dental and facial anatomical adaptations of
Paranthropus taxa, which might be indicative of the
consumption of fibrous, abrasive plant foods in open
environments. However, occlusal dental microwear
data fail to provide evidence of such dietary
adaptations and are not consistent with isotopic
evidence that supports greater C4 food intake for
the robust clades than for the gracile
australopithecines. We provide evidence from buccal
dental microwear data that supports softer dietary
habits than expected for P. aethiopicus and P.
boisei based both on masticatory apomorphies and
isotopic analyses. On one hand, striation densities
on the buccal enamel surfaces of paranthropines
teeth are low, resembling those of H. habilis and
clearly differing from those observed on H. ergaster,
which display higher scratch densities indicative of
the consumption of a wide assortment of highly
abrasive foodstuffs. Buccal dental microwear
patterns are consistent with those previously
described for occlusal enamel surfaces, suggesting
that Paranthropus consumed much softer diets than
previously presumed and thus calling into question a
strict interpretation of isotopic evidence. On the
other hand, the significantly high buccal scratch
densities observed in the H. ergaster specimens are
not consistent with a highly specialized, mostly
carnivorous diet; instead, they support the
consumption of a wide range of highly abrasive food
items. (...) |
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Neanderthal inheritance helped humans adapt to life
outside of Africa,
November 10, 2016
As
the ancestors of modern humans made their way out of
Africa to other parts of the world many thousands of
years ago, they met up and in some cases had
children with other forms of humans, including the
Neanderthals and Denisovans. Scientists know this
because traces of those meetings remain in the human
genome. Now, researchers find more evidence that
those encounters have benefited humans over the
years. (...) |
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The
fate of Neanderthal genes,
8-NOV-2016
The
Neanderthals disappeared about 30,000 years ago, but
little pieces of them live on in the form of DNA
sequences scattered through the modern human genome.
A new study by geneticists at the University of
California, Davis, shows why these traces of our
closest relatives are slowly being removed by
natural selection. "On average, there has been weak
but widespread selection against Neanderthal genes,"
said Graham Coop, professor in the UC Davis
Department of Evolution and Ecology and Center for
Population Biology, and senior author on a paper
describing the work published Nov. 8 in the journal
PLOS Genetics. That selection seems to be a
consequence of a small population of Neanderthals
mixing with a much larger population of modern
humans. Neanderthals split from our African
ancestors over half a million years ago, and lived
in Europe and Central Asia until a few tens of
thousands of years ago. Archaeological discoveries
have shown that they had quite a sophisticated
culture, Coop said. Thanks to DNA samples retrieved
from a number of fossils, we have enough data on the
Neanderthal genome to identify their genes among
ours. (...) |
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Evolution purged many Neanderthal genes from human
genome,
8-NOV-2016
Neanderthal genetic material is found in only small
amounts in the genomes of modern humans because,
after interbreeding, natural selection removed large
numbers of weakly deleterious Neanderthal gene
variants, according to a study by Ivan Juric and
colleagues at the University of California, Davis,
published November 8th, 2016 in PLOS Genetics.
Humans and Neanderthals interbred tens of thousands
of years ago, but today, Neanderthal DNA makes up
only 1-4% of the genomes of modern non-African
people. To understand how modern humans lost their
Neanderthal genetic material and how humans and
Neanderthals remained distinct, Juric and colleagues
developed a novel method for estimating the average
strength of natural selection against Neanderthal
genetic material. They found that natural selection
removed many Neanderthal alleles from the genome
that might have had mildly negative effects. The
scientists estimate that these gene variations were
able to persist in Neanderthals because Neanderthals
had a much smaller population size than humans. Once
transferred into the human genome, however, these
alleles became subject to natural selection, which
was more effective in the larger human populations
and has removed these gene variants over time.
(...) |
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Retour sur le site de Moulin Quignon,
"L'Anthropologie", Volume 120, Issue 4, Pages
297-438 (October 2016):
- Retourner à Moulin
Quignon, di A. Hurel, J. J. Bahain, A. Froment, M.
H. Moncel, A. Vialet
- Moulin Quignon
1863–1864: détours inédits et bilan
historiographique, di A. Hurel, N. Coye
- Réexamen du
contexte géologique, chrono- et biostratigraphique
du site de Moulin Quignon à Abbeville (Vallée de la
Somme, France), di J. J. Bahain, N. Limondin-Lozouet,
P. Antoine, P. Voinchet
- La séquence de
Moulin Quignon est-elle une séquence archéologique
?, di M. H. Moncel, R. Orliac, P. Auguste, C.
Vercoutère
- Nouvel examen des
ossements humains de Moulin Quignon (Somme, France).
Étude anthropologique, taphonomique et première
datation par le radiocarbone, di A. Vialet et
alii
- Moulin Quignon :
la redécouverte d’un site, di Arnaud Hurel et
alii |
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Looking at handaxes from another angle: Assessing
the ergonomic and functional importance of edge form
in Acheulean bifaces,
di A. J. M. Key, T. Proffitt, E. Stefani, S. J.
Lycett, "Journal of Anthropological Archaeology",
Volume 44, Part A, December 2016, Pages 43–55
Edge angle is widely
considered to be a morphological attribute that
influences the functional performance of lithic
technologies. However, the comparative performance
capabilities of handaxes that vary in terms of edge
angles has never been investigated under
experimental conditions. Similarly, detailed
accounts of Acheulean handaxe angle variation from
archaeological examples have not been reported in
the literature. Consequently, it has not previously
been possible to assess the extent to which
Palaeolithic individuals adhered to specific edge
angle ranges during handaxe production or whether
resultant artifactual properties may have been in
response to varying rates of utility. Here, using a
substantial experimental program (n = 500 handaxes),
we investigate the impact that edge angle variation
has on the cutting efficiency of handaxes at a
“whole tool” and “edge-point localized” level. We
then examine edge angles in a temporally and
geographically wide range of handaxes (n = 643) and
assess the extent to which hominins were likely
altering tool production choices in response to
functional pressures. Our experimental results
demonstrate that, up to a certain value, higher edge
angles in handaxes can actually increase functional
performance. Furthermore, results indicate that
edges in the proximal portion of handaxes have the
greatest influence over efficiency rates. Combined
with examination of archaeological specimens, these
results suggest that hominins actively pursued the
production of more obtuse edges in the proximal (butt)
portion of handaxes in order to increase ergonomic
features that facilitated greater efficiency during
use. Edge angle values in the proximal portion of
the archaeological handaxes were, however,
consistently found to be below an efficiency
threshold identified at ∼70 degrees, above which, an
edge’s ability to effectively be applied to cutting
tasks decreases markedly. This further suggests that
the proximal edges of handaxes, at least
occasionally, were required as a functional working
edge. |
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On the
origin of the European Acheulian,
di K. Martínez, J. G. Garriga, "Journal of
Anthropological Archaeology", Volume 44, Part A,
December 2016, Pages 87–104
The Mode 1 to Mode 2
transition in Europe has become a key research
debate on early hominins. In this paper, the
available data are used to propose a new
interpretation of the origin of the Acheulian by
analysing the transition through the lithic industry
at key circum-Mediterranean sites with Early-Middle
Pleistocene chronology: Vallparadís, Gran Dolina
TD6, Barranc de la Boella, and Caune de l’Arago ‘P’
levels. Regarding these lithic records, we propose
here the hypothesis based on an evolution of new
technological behaviours in Europe before 0.5 Myr
carried out from autochthonous populations with Mode
1 industries, combined with external adaptive and
technological influences. We interpret the
chronology and lithic assemblages of these sites
within the transition process towards Acheulian, in
which structural continuity of Mode 1 is
complemented with the gradual appearance of some
foreign innovations (bifacial technology). This
technological transition is envisaged as a
historical process: the outcome of the cultural
evolution resulted from contacts and exchanges
between hominin groups from western Eurasia with
different social and technological adaptations, in
contact and competition with each other. This
historical process would explain the time lag
between Africa, Levant, and Europe in the spread of
the Acheulian, as well as a technological evolution
of the European Mode 1 and the gradual expansion of
the Acheulian across Europe. |
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Examining Fluvial Stratigraphic Architecture Using
Ground-Penetrating Radar at the Fanta Stream Fossil
and Archaeological Site, Central Ethiopia,
di P. Lanzarone, E. Garrison, R. Bobe, A. Getahun, "Geoarchaeology",
Volume 31, Issue 6, November/December 2016, Pages
577–591
The
Fanta Stream site is an archaeological and
paleontological locality in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.
The site contains a rich assemblage of fossil
mammals and Acheulean artifacts of approximately 600
ka located in a rare high-altitude context. A
ground-penetrating radar (GPR) survey was conducted
in order to provide three-dimensional imaging of the
subsurface, which the authors use to interpret the
geometry and distribution of fossil-containing
stratigraphic units. Utilizing the stream's natural
cut bank exposure, we calibrate GPR data to known
geologic units through radar facies analysis.
Shallow, high-amplitude coherent reflection
geometries are attributed to volcanic tuff deposits,
as these units exhibit subparallel continuous
reflections consistent with planar stratified
sedimentary deposition. Deeper, discontinuous
reflection packages are interpreted as conglomeritic,
fossil-containing deposits. The results of the GPR
survey outline the location of the Fanta Stream's
paleodepositional features as well as suggest the
extent of fossiliferous stratigraphic units for use
in future excavations. |
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Humankind and the avian world: archaeological and
zooarchaeological evidence for inferring behavioural
evolutionary signatures,
"Quaternary International", Volume 421, Pages 1-270
(9 November 2016). Edited by Ruth Blasco and Marco
Peresani:
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Human-bird interactions in Prehistory, di R. Blasco,
M. Peresani
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Potential exploitation of avian resources by fossil
hominins: An overview from ethnographic and
historical data, di J. J. Negro, R. Blasco, J.
Rosell, C. Finlayson
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First report on the birds (Aves) from level TE7 of
Sima del Elefante (Early Pleistocene) of Atapuerca (Spain),
di C. Núñez-Lahuerta, G. Cuenca-Bescós, R. Huguet
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Birds as indicators of high biodiversity zones
around the Middle Pleistocene Qesem Cave, Israel, di
A. Sánchez-Marco, R. Blasco, J. Rosell, A. Gopher,
R. Barkai
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Using birds as indicators of Neanderthal
environmental quality: Gibraltar and Zafarraya
compared, di C. Finlayson et alii
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What is the taphonomic agent responsible for the
avian accumulation? An approach from the Middle and
early Late Pleistocene assemblages from Payre and
Abri des Pêcheurs (Ardèche, France), di A. Rufà, R.
Blasco, T. Roger, M. H. Moncel
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Pigeons and choughs, a usual resource for the
Neanderthals in Gibraltar, di R. Blasco, J. Rosell,
A. Rufà, A. Sánchez Marco, C. Finlayson
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The birdmen of the Pleistocene: On the relationship
between Neanderthals and scavenging birds, di S.
Finlayson, C. Finlayson
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Bird consumption in the final stage of Cova Negra (Xátiva,
Valencia), di R. Martínez Valle, P. M. Guillem
Calatayud, V. Villaverde Bonilla
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Who eats whom? Taphonomic analysis of the avian
record from the Middle Paleolithic site of
Teixoneres Cave (Moià, Barcelona, Spain), di A. Rufà,
R. Blasco, F. Rivals, J. Rosell
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Who brought the bird remains to the Middle
Palaeolithic site of Les Fieux (Southwestern,
France)? Direct evidence of a complex taphonomic
story, di V. Laroulandie, J. P. Faivre, M. Gerbe, V.
Mourre
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From feathers to food: Reconstructing the complete
exploitation of avifaunal resources by Neanderthals
at Fumane cave, unit A9, di I. Fiore, M. Gala, M.
Romandini, E. Cocca, A. Tagliacozzo, M. Peresani
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Neanderthal scraping and manual handling of raptors
wing bones: Evidence from Fumane Cave. Experimental
activities and comparison, di M. Romandini, I.
Fiore, M. Gala, M. Cestari, G. Guida, A. Tagliacozzo,
M. Peresani
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New data on the avifauna from the Middle Stone Age
layers of Sibudu Cave, South Africa: Taphonomic and
palaeoenvironmental implications, di A. Val
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Bird remains from Dolni Vestonice I and Predmosti I
(Pavlovian, the Czech Republic), di K. Wertz, J.
Wilczyński, T. Tomek, M. Roblickova, M. Oliva
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Eating crow or a feather in one's cap: The avifauna
from the Magdalenian sites of Gönnersdorf and
Andernach-Martinsberg (Germany), di M. Street, E.
Turner
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Anthropic fractures and human tooth marks: An
experimental approach to non-technological human
action on avian long bones, di A. J. Romero, J.
Carlos Díez, L. Rodríguez, D. Arceredillo
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Bird-bone modifications by Iberian lynx: A
taphonomic analysis of non-ingested red-legged
partridge remains, di A. Rodríguez-Hidalgo, P.
Saladié, J. Marín, A. Canals
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Experimental study of the aerophone of Isturitz:
Manufacture, use-wear analysis and acoustic tests,
di C. García Benito, M. Alcolea, C. Mazo
-
Characterising the exploitation of avian resources:
An experimental combination of lithic use-wear,
residue and taphonomic analyses, di A. Pedergnana,
R. Blasco |
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Middle
Stone Age Ochre Processing and Behavioural
Complexity in the Horn of Africa: Evidence from
Porc-Epic Cave, Dire Dawa, Ethiopia,
di D. E. Rosso, A. Pitarch Martí, F. d’Errico,
November 2, 2016, http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0164793
- free access -
Ochre is a common feature at Middle Stone Age (MSA)
sites and has often been interpreted as a proxy for
the origin of modern behaviour. However, few ochre
processing tools, ochre containers, and
ochre-stained artefacts from MSA contexts have been
studied in detail within a theoretical framework
aimed at inferring the technical steps involved in
the acquisition, production and use of these
artefacts. Here we analyse 21 ochre processing tools,
i.e. upper and lower grindstones, and two
ochre-stained artefacts from the MSA layers of
Porc-Epic Cave, Dire Dawa, Ethiopia, dated to ca. 40
cal kyr BP. These tools, and a large proportion of
the 4213 ochre fragments found at the site, were
concentrated in an area devoted to ochre processing.
Lower grindstones are made of a variety of raw
materials, some of which are not locally available.
Traces of use indicate that different techniques
were employed to process ochre. Optical microscopy,
XRD, μ-Raman spectroscopy, and SEM-EDS analyses of
residues preserved on worn areas of artefacts show
that different types of ferruginous rocks were
processed in order to produce ochre powder of
different coarseness and shades. A round stone
bearing no traces of having been used to process
ochre is half covered with residues as if it had
been dipped in a liquid ochered medium to paint the
object or to use it as a stamp to apply pigment to a
soft material. We argue that the ochre reduction
sequences identified at Porc-Epic Cave reflect a
high degree of behavioural complexity, and represent
ochre use, which was probably devoted to a variety
of functions. (...) |
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Perline di gusci di uova di struzzo nella grotta di
Denisova,
NOVEMBRE 2, 2016
Gli archeologi stanno
scoprendo diverse perline fatte con gusci di uova di
struzzo nella grotta di Denisova, sui Monti Altai in
Russia. Le perline misurano al massimo un centimetro
di diametro e risalirebbero tra i 45 e i 50.000 anni
fa. «sono un autentico capolavoro», dice il
ricercatore Maxim Kozlikin dell’Istituto di
Archeologia e Etnografia di Novosibirsk. «Il guscio
di uovo di struzzo è un materiale piuttosto robusto,
i buchi devono essere stati fatti con un buon
trapano di pietra». Le perline avrebbero potuto far
parte di una collana o di un braccialetto, oppure
cucite sugli abiti. È curioso trovare delle perline
di struzzo nella Siberia di 50.000 anni fa, eppure i
ricercatori ne stanno trovando un’intera collezione
a cui ne hanno appena aggiunta una. Misura un cm di
diametro, con un buco di poco più di un mm. «Per
quell’epoca la consideriamo una raffinata opera di
gioielleria di un artista molto dotato», dice
Kozlikin. (...) |
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A MIS
15-MIS 12 record of environmental changes and Lower
Palaeolithic occupation from Valle Giumentina,
central Italy,
di V. Villa et alii, "Quaternary Science
Reviews", Volume 151, 1 November 2016, Pages 160–184
An integrated
geological study, including sedimentology, stable
isotope analysis (δ18O, δ13C), geochemistry,
micromorphology, biomarker analysis, 40Ar/39Ar
geochronology and tephrochronology, was undertaken
on the Quaternary infill of the Valle Giumentina
basin in Central Italy, which also includes an
outstanding archaeological succession, composed of
nine human occupation levels ascribed to the Lower
and Middle Palaeolithic. 40Ar/39Ar dating, and other
palaeoenvironmental and tephrochronological data,
constrain the sedimentary history of the whole
succession to the MIS 15-MIS 12 interval, between
618 ± 13 ka and 456 ± 2 ka. Palaeoenvironmental
proxies suggest that over this time interval of
about 150 ka, sedimentary and pedogenic processes
were mainly influenced by climatic changes, in
particular by the pulsing of local mountain glaciers
of the Majella massif. Specifically, the Valle
Giumentina succession records glacio-fluvial and
lacustrine sedimentation during the colder glacial
periods and pedogenesis and/or alluvial
sedimentation during the warmer interglacial and/or
interstadial periods. During this interval,
tectonics played a negligible role as a driving
factor of local morphogenesis and sedimentation,
whereas the general regional uplift experienced in
the Middle Pleistocene led to capture of the basin
and its definitive extinction after MIS 12. These
data substantially improve previous knowledge of the
chronology and sedimentary evolution of the
succession, providing for the first time, a well
constrained chronological and palaeoenvironmental
framework for the archaeological and human
palaeoecological record of Valle Giumentina. |
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Last
Neanderthals and first Anatomically Modern Humans in
the NW Iberian Peninsula: Climatic and environmental
conditions inferred from the Cova Eirós
small-vertebrate assemblage during MIS 3,
di I. Rey-Rodríguez et alii, "Quaternary Science
Reviews", Volume 151, 1 November 2016, Pages 185–197
Cova Eirós is emerging as a reference site in the
northwestern Iberian Peninsula for the study of the
development of the last Neanderthal populations and
the first populations of Anatomically Modern Humans
(AMH) in MIS 3. Cova Eirós is an archaeological site
(with Middle and Upper Palaeolithic levels) located
in Cancelo, Triacastela (Lugo, northwestern Iberian
Peninsula), which has been systematically excavated
from 2008 onwards. The small-vertebrate assemblage
analysed came from the archaeo-palaeontological
field seasons that took place from 2009 to 2014. At
least 18 small-vertebrate taxa have been identified:
1 frog (Rana temporaria), 1 snake (Vipera sp.), 4
insectivores (Sorex minutus, Sorex sp., Talpa cf.
occidentalis and Erinaceus europaeus), 4 chiropters
(Myotis myotis/blythii, cf. Miniopterus sp., Myotis
sp. and Rhinolophus ferrumequinum) and 8 rodents (Apodemus
sylvaticus, Arvicola amphibius, Arvicola sapidus,
Chionomys nivalis, Microtus (Terricola) lusitanicus,
Microtus agrestis, Microtus arvalis and Microtus
oeconomus). Using the Habitat Weighting method to
reconstruct the palaeoenvironment, we reconstruct a
landscape for MIS 3 characterized by open woodland
formations. The Mutual Ecogeographic Range (MER)
method and the Bioclimatic Model (BM) used for the
palaeoclimatic reconstruction show lower
temperatures and higher precipitation than at
present in the region. Our results from Cova Eirós
are compared with the data obtained from several
other sites in the Iberian Peninsula; it can be said
that Neanderthals and AMH were well adapted to the
territory that they occupied, as well as to the
surrounding environment and the climatic conditions
prevalent in the unstable context of MIS 3 in the
Iberian Peninsula. |
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The
apportionment of tooth size and its implications in
Australopithecus sediba versus other
Plio-pleistocene and recent African hominins,
di J. D. Irish, B. E. Hemphill, D. J. de Ruiter, L.
R. Berger, "American Journal of Physical
Anthropology", Volume 161, Issue 3, November 2016,
Pages 398–413
Australopithecus sediba is characterized further by
providing formerly unpublished and refined
mesiodistal and buccolingual crown measurements in
the MH1 and MH2 specimens. After size correction,
these data were compared with those in other fossil
and recent samples to facilitate additional insight
into diachronic hominin affinities.
Six comparative samples consist of fossil species:
A. africanus, A. afarensis, Homo habilis,
Paranthropus robustus, P. boisei, and H. erectus.
Others comprise H. sapiens and Pan troglodytes.
Re-estimates of “actual” dimensions in damaged A.
sediba teeth were effected through repeated
measurements by independent observers. X-ray
synchrotron microtomography allowed measurement of
crowns obscured by matrix and noneruption. Tooth
size apportionment analysis, an established
technique for intraspecific comparisons, was then
applied at this interspecific level to assess
phenetic affinities using both within- and
among-group data.
Comparison of these highly heritable dimensions
identified a general trend for smaller posterior
relative to larger anterior teeth (not including
canines), contra Paranthropus, that allies A. sediba
with other australopiths and Homo; however, specific
reductions and/or shape variation in the species’
canines, third premolars, and anterior molars
relative to the other teeth mirror the patterning
characteristic of Homo.
Of all samples, including east African australopiths,
A. sediba appears most like H. habilis, H. erectus
and H. sapiens regarding how crown size is
apportioned along the tooth rows. These findings
parallel those in prior studies of dental and other
skeletal data, including several that suggest A.
sediba is a close relative of, if not ancestral to,
Homo. |
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Middle paleolithic human
deciduous incisor from Grotta del Cavallo, Italy,
di P. F. Fabbri, D. Panetta, L. Sarti, F. Martini,
P. A. Salvadori, D. Caramella, M. Fedi, S. Benazzi,
"American Journal of Physical Anthropology", Volume
161, Issue 3, November 2016, Pages 506–512
In
this contribution, we present a morphological
description and comparative morphometric analysis of
Cavallo D, a human tooth unearthed from the
Mousterian FIII sublayer of Grotta del Cavallo (Apulia,
Italy).
We used microCT data to provide a detailed
morphological description and morphometric analysis
of the Cavallo D human tooth based on traditional
diameter measurements and 3D enamel thickness.
Moreover, new AMS radiocarbon dating of charcoals
from layers FII was carried out.
Morphological features observed in Cavallo D align
the tooth to Neandertals. Similarly, the large size
of the tooth (e.g., BL diameter) and the relatively
thinner enamel thickness are typical Neandertal
traits. 14C datings of layer FII attribute the tooth
to a time range of 45,600–42,900 cal BP (at 68%
level of probability).
Up to now, the Rdi1 Cavallo D represents the most
recent Neandertal human remain in southern Italy
related to a radiocarbon dated stratigraphy.
Moreover, since deciduous teeth have been less
investigated than the permanent ones, this
contribution brings new data to increase our
knowledge on the variability of the Neandertal
deciduous dentition |
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Dentognathic remains of
Australopithecus afarensis from Nefuraytu (Woranso-Mille,
Ethiopia): Comparative description, geology, and
paleoecological context,
di Y. Haile-Selassie et alii, "Journal of
Human Evolution", Volume 100, November 2016, Pages
35–53
Australopithecus afarensis is the best-known and
most dimorphic species in the early hominin fossil
record. Here, we present a comparative description
of new fossil specimens of Au. afarensis from
Nefuraytu, a 3.330–3.207 million-years-old fossil
collection area in the Woranso-Mille study area,
central Afar, Ethiopia. These specimens include
NFR-VP-1/29, one of the most complete mandibles
assigned to the species thus far and among the
largest mandibles attributed to Au. afarensis,
likely representing a male individual. NFR-VP-1/29
retains almost all of the distinctive archaic
features documented for Au. afarensis. These
features include a posteriorly sloping symphysis, a
low and rounded basally set inferior transverse
torus, anterosuperiorly opening mental foramen, a
lateral corpus hollow bound anteriorly by the C/P3
jugae and posteriorly by the lateral prominence, and
the ascending ramus arising high on the corpus.
Dental morphology and metrics of the Nefuraytu
specimens also falls within the range of Au.
afarensis. The presence of this species at
Woranso-Mille between 3.330 and 3.207 million years
ago confirms the existence of this species in the
area in close spatial and temporal proximity to
other middle Pliocene hominin taxa such as the one
represented by the Burtele foot (BRT-VP-2/73) and
the recently named species Australopithecus
deyiremeda. This has important implications for our
understanding of middle Pliocene hominin diversity. |
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Mandibular ramus shape of Australopithecus sediba
suggests a single variable species,
di T. B. Ritzman, C. E. Terhune, P. Gunz, C. A.
Robinson, "Journal of Human Evolution", Volume 100,
November 2016, Pages 54–64
The
fossils from Malapa cave, South Africa, attributed
to Australopithecus sediba, include two partial
skeletons—MH1, a subadult, and MH2, an adult.
Previous research noted differences in the
mandibular rami of these individuals. This study
tests three hypotheses that could explain these
differences. The first two state that the
differences are due to ontogenetic variation and
sexual dimorphism, respectively. The third
hypothesis, which is relevant to arguments
suggesting that MH1 belongs in the genus
Australopithecus and MH2 in Homo, is that the
differences are due to the two individuals
representing more than one taxon. To test these
hypotheses, we digitized two-dimensional sliding
semilandmarks in samples of Gorilla, Pan, Pongo, and
Homo, as well as MH1 and MH2. We document large
amounts of shape variation within all extant species,
which is related neither to ontogeny nor sexual
dimorphism. Extant species nevertheless form
clusters in shape space, albeit with some overlap.
The shape differences in extant taxa between
individuals in the relevant age categories are
minimal, indicating that it is unlikely that
ontogeny explains the differences between MH1 and
MH2. Similarly, the pattern of differences between
MH1 and MH2 is inconsistent with those found between
males and females in the extant sample, suggesting
that it is unlikely that sexual dimorphism explains
these differences. While the difference between MH1
and MH2 is large relative to within-species
comparisons, it does not generally fall outside of
the confidence intervals for extant intraspecific
variation. However, the MH1-MH2 distance also does
not plot outside and below the between-species
confidence intervals. Based on these results, as
well as the contextual and depositional evidence, we
conclude that MH1 and MH2 represent a single species
and that the relatively large degree of variation in
this species is due to neither ontogeny nor sexual
dimorphism. |
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OH-65: The earliest evidence
for right-handedness in the fossil record,
di D. W. Frayer, "Journal of Human Evolution",
Volume 100, November 2016, Pages 65–72
Labial striations on the anterior teeth have been
documented in numerous European pre-Neandertal and
Neandertal fossils and serve as evidence for
handedness. OH-65, dated at 1.8 mya, shows a
concentration of oblique striations on, especially,
the left I1 and right I1, I2 and C1, which signal
that it was right-handed. From these patterns we
contend that OH-65 was habitually using the right
hand, over the left, in manipulating objects during
some kind of oral processing. In living humans
right-handedness is generally correlated with brain
lateralization, although the strength of the
association is questioned by some. We propose that
as more specimens are found, right-handedness, as
seen in living Homo, will most probably be typical
of these early hominins. |
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Comparative biomechanics of Australopithecus sediba
mandibles, di
D. J. Daegling, K. J. Carlson, P. Tafforeau, D. J.
de Ruiter, R. Berger, "Journal of Human Evolution",
Volume 100, November 2016, Pages 73–86
Fossils attributed to Australopithecus sediba are
described as having phylogenetic affinities with
early Homo to the exclusion of other South African
australopiths. With respect to functional anatomy of
mastication, one implication of this hypothesis is
that A. sediba mandibles should exhibit absolutely
and relatively reduced stiffness and strength in
comparison to Australopithecus africanus and
Paranthropus robustus jaws. Examination of cortical
bone distribution in the MH 1 and MH 2 mandibles of
A. sediba (evaluated against samples of Pan, early
and modern Homo as well as A. africanus and P.
robustus) indicate that the A. sediba mandibular
corpus was geometrically similar to other South
African australopiths. In particular, enhanced
torsional rigidity is characteristic of all South
African australopiths including A. sediba. These
findings are consistent with a hypothesis that
masticatory mechanics may have been similar to other
australopiths (and distinct from exemplars of early
Homo), and as such suggest that A. sediba's
mandibles were functionally suited to consume hard
and tough objects. Recent mechanical modeling of the
A. sediba cranium, however, has been interpreted as
indicating that this species was relatively poorly
adapted to produce large bite forces and likely
experienced relatively modest strains in its facial
skeleton. This paradox – that the cranium signals a
departure from the australopith morphotype whereas
the mandibles conform to a hypodigm of australopith
grade – can be resolved, in part, if it is
acknowledged that mechanical performance variables
offer imperfect insight into what constitutes
feeding adaptations. |
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Master and apprentice:
Evidence for learning in palaeolithic portable art,
di O. Rivero, "Journal of Archaeological Science",
Volume 75, November 2016, Pages 89–100
This paper presents the results of the statistical
analysis of 280 pieces of Cantabrian and Pyrenean
Middle Magdalenian portable art. Particular
technical traces left on the medium by the act of
engraving were identified through microscopic
analysis and used to build a quantitative estimation
of the overall technical aptitude of the engraver.
Some traces considered as accidents or errors in the
tracing were counted negatively, whereas others
reflecting control of the tool and mastership in the
use of various techniques were counted positively. A
multivariate analysis based on this quantitative
index, along with criteria including the type of
medium was carried out using Correspondence Factor
Analysis and completed with relevant statistical
tests. The analysis clearly distinguishes three
groups of pieces: those with a negative index, those
that present a low positive index resulting from a
balance between positive and negative traces, and
those with a highly positive index. These different
categories of pieces may be tentatively assigned to
different levels of experience in tool control and
engraving techniques. The mean value of the
technical index seems to be correlated with the type
of medium and differs significantly in the various
sites studied in the corpus. These data allow us to
pose some hypotheses concerning the transmission of
knowledge in Magdalenian societies, such as
differential access to raw materials according to
the engraver's experience, and different
functionality of sites based on their production of
decorated objects. |
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Rénovation du Musée de
Paléontologie Humaine de Terra Amata - Nice -
Provence - Côte d'azur. Des Homo erectus à
Nice il y a 400 000 ans. Un musée construit sur un
ancien site préhistorique. Nouvelle muséographie
2016. |
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Neanderthals on cold steppes also ate plants,
October 27, 2016
Neanderthals in cold regions probably ate a lot more
vegetable food than was previously thought. This is
what archaeologist Robert Power has discovered based
on new research on ancient Neanderthal dental plaque.
(...) |
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Scoperte 50 eccezionali
incisioni rupestri in Spagna,
OTTOBRE 24, 2016
Nella grotta di Armintxe, nel nord della Spagna,
sono state trovate circa 50 nuove incisioni
rupestri. Risalgono al Paleolitico superiore, tra i
12 e i 14.500 anni fa. Le immagini includono
bisonti, capre e cavalli, uno dei quali misura ben
un metro e mezzo. I ricercatori hanno anche
identificato due leoni, finora mai rinvenuti nei
Paesi Baschi, e dei semicerchi e delle linee simili
a quelle trovate nei Pirenei francesi. «È una
meraviglia, un tesoro dell’umanità», ha commentato
Unai Rementeria, deputato generale della Biscaglia.
Le incisioni rupestri sono state scoperte vicino
alla città di Lekeitio. Gli esperti le hanno
definite l’insieme “più spettacolare e
impressionante” del suo genere mai fatto nella
penisola iberica. Risale alla stessa epoca delle
pitture rupestri di Santimamiñe e delle
rappresentazioni trovate recentemente nella grotta
di Atxurra. Le incisioni si trovano a circa 50 metri
dall’ingresso della grotta. Per l’esattezza
risalgono al magdaleniano, l’ultima cultura del
Paleolitico superiore europeo. (...) |
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Early
Evidence for the Extensive Heat Treatment of
Silcrete in the Howiesons Poort at Klipdrift Shelter
(Layer PBD, 65 ka), South Africa,
di A. Delagnes et alii, October 19, 2016, doi:
http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0163874
- free access -
Heating stone to
enhance its flaking qualities is among the multiple
innovative adaptations introduced by early modern
human groups in southern Africa, in particular
during the Middle Stone Age Still Bay and Howiesons
Poort traditions. Comparatively little is known
about the role and impact of this technology on
early modern human behaviors and cultural
expressions, due, in part, to the lack of
comprehensive studies of archaeological assemblages
documenting the heat treatment of stone. We address
this issue through an analysis of the procedure used
for heating and a technological analysis of a lithic
assemblage recovered from one Howiesons Poort
assemblage at Klipdrift Shelter (southern Cape,
South Africa). The resulting data show extensive
silcrete heat treatment, which adds a new dimension
to our understanding of fire-related behaviors
during the Howiesons Poort, highlighting the
important role played by a heat treatment stage in
the production of silcrete blades. These results are
made possible by our new analytical procedure that
relies on the analysis of all silcrete artifacts. It
provides direct evidence of a controlled use of fire
which took place during an early stage of core
exploitation, thereby impacting on all subsequent
stages of the lithic chaîne opératoire, which, to
date, has no known equivalent in the Middle Stone
Age or Middle Paleolithic record outside of southern
Africa. (...) |
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Wild monkeys flake stone tools,
di T. Proffitt et alii, Nature (2016), 19 October
2016, doi:10.1038/nature20112
Our understanding of
the emergence of technology shapes how we view the
origins of humanity. Sharp-edged stone flakes,
struck from larger cores, are the primary evidence
for the earliest stone technology. Here we show that
wild bearded capuchin monkeys (Sapajus libidinosus)
in Brazil deliberately break stones, unintentionally
producing recurrent, conchoidally fractured,
sharp-edged flakes and cores that have the
characteristics and morphology of intentionally
produced hominin tools. The production of
archaeologically visible cores and flakes is
therefore no longer unique to the human lineage,
providing a comparative perspective on the emergence
of lithic technology. This discovery adds an
additional dimension to interpretations of the human
Palaeolithic record, the possible function of early
stone tools, and the cognitive requirements for the
emergence of stone flaking.
·
Le schegge dei cebi e le industrie litiche umane,
"Le Scienze", 19 ottobre 2016 |
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A pulse of mid-Pleistocene rift volcanism in
Ethiopia at the dawn of modern humans,
di W. Hutchison et alii, "Nature
Communications" 7, Article number: 13192 (2016), 18
October 2016, doi:10.1038/ncomms13192
- free access -
The Ethiopian Rift
Valley hosts the longest record of human
co-existence with volcanoes on Earth, however,
current understanding of the magnitude and timing of
large explosive eruptions in this region is poor.
Detailed records of volcanism are essential for
interpreting the palaeoenvironments occupied by our
hominin ancestors; and also for evaluating the
volcanic hazards posed to the 10 million people
currently living within this active rift zone. Here
we use new geochronological evidence to suggest that
a 200 km-long segment of rift experienced a major
pulse of explosive volcanic activity between 320 and
170 ka. During this period, at least four distinct
volcanic centres underwent large-volume (>10 km3)
caldera-forming eruptions, and eruptive fluxes were
elevated five times above the average eruption rate
for the past 700 ka. We propose that such pulses of
episodic silicic volcanism would have drastically
remodelled landscapes and ecosystems occupied by
early hominin populations. (...)
·
Gli antichi vulcani etiopi che cambiarono il destino
dell'umanità, "Le Scienze", 19 ottobre 2016 |
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Early
cave art and ancient DNA record the origin of
European bison,
di J. Soubrier, G. Gower, A. Cooper, "Nature
Communications" 7, Article number: 13158 (2016),
18 October 2016, doi:10.1038/ncomms13158
- free access -
The two living species of bison (European and
American) are among the few terrestrial megafauna to
have survived the late Pleistocene extinctions.
Despite the extensive bovid fossil record in
Eurasia, the evolutionary history of the European
bison (or wisent, Bison bonasus) before the Holocene
(<11.7 thousand years ago (kya)) remains a mystery.
We use complete ancient mitochondrial genomes and
genome-wide nuclear DNA surveys to reveal that the
wisent is the product of hybridization between the
extinct steppe bison (Bison priscus) and ancestors
of modern cattle (aurochs, Bos primigenius) before
120 kya, and contains up to 10% aurochs genomic
ancestry. Although undetected within the fossil
record, ancestors of the wisent have alternated
ecological dominance with steppe bison in
association with major environmental shifts since at
least 55 kya. Early cave artists recorded distinct
morphological forms consistent with these
replacement events, around the Last Glacial Maximum
(LGM, ~21–18 kya). (...) |
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Genomic analyses inform on migration events during
the peopling of Eurasia,
di L. Pagani et alii, Nature 538, 13 October
2016, pp. 238–242
High-coverage whole-genome sequence studies have so
far focused on a limited number1 of geographically
restricted populations2, 3, 4, 5, or been targeted
at specific diseases, such as cancer6. Nevertheless,
the availability of high-resolution genomic data has
led to the development of new methodologies for
inferring population history7, 8, 9 and refuelled
the debate on the mutation rate in humans10. Here we
present the Estonian Biocentre Human Genome
Diversity Panel (EGDP), a dataset of 483
high-coverage human genomes from 148 populations
worldwide, including 379 new genomes from 125
populations, which we group into diversity and
selection sets. We analyse this dataset to refine
estimates of continent-wide patterns of
heterozygosity, long- and short-distance gene flow,
archaic admixture, and changes in effective
population size through time as well as for signals
of positive or balancing selection. We find a
genetic signature in present-day Papuans that
suggests that at least 2% of their genome originates
from an early and largely extinct expansion of
anatomically modern humans (AMHs) out of Africa.
Together with evidence from the western Asian fossil
record11, and admixture between AMHs and
Neanderthals predating the main Eurasian
expansion12, our results contribute to the mounting
evidence for the presence of AMHs out of Africa
earlier than 75,000 years ago.
·
La complessa genetica delle prime migrazioni
dall'Africa, "Le Scienze", 22 settembre 2016 |
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New Experiments and a Model-Driven Approach for
Interpreting Middle Stone Age Lithic Point Function
Using the Edge Damage Distribution Method,
di B. J. Schoville, K. S. Brown, J. A. Harris, Jayne
Wilkins, October 13, 2016, doi:
http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0164088
- free access -
The Middle Stone Age (MSA) is associated with early
evidence for symbolic material culture and complex
technological innovations. However, one of the most
visible aspects of MSA technologies are unretouched
triangular stone points that appear in the
archaeological record as early as 500,000 years ago
in Africa and persist throughout the MSA. How these
tools were being used and discarded across a
changing Pleistocene landscape can provide insight
into how MSA populations prioritized technological
and foraging decisions. Creating inferential links
between experimental and archaeological tool use
helps to establish prehistoric tool function, but is
complicated by the overlaying of post-depositional
damage onto behaviorally worn tools. Taphonomic
damage patterning can provide insight into site
formation history, but may preclude behavioral
interpretations of tool function. Here, multiple
experimental processes that form edge damage on
unretouched lithic points from taphonomic and
behavioral processes are presented. These provide
experimental distributions of wear on tool edges
from known processes that are then quantitatively
compared to the archaeological patterning of stone
point edge damage from three MSA lithic assemblages—Kathu
Pan 1, Pinnacle Point Cave 13B, and Die Kelders Cave
1. By using a model-fitting approach, the results
presented here provide evidence for variable MSA
behavioral strategies of stone point utilization on
the landscape consistent with armature tips at KP1,
and cutting tools at PP13B and DK1, as well as
damage contributions from post-depositional sources
across assemblages. This study provides a method
with which landscape-scale questions of early modern
human tool-use and site-use can be addressed.
(...) |
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Morphology and function of Neandertal and modern
human ear ossicles,
di A. Stoessel, R. David, P. Gunz, T. Schmidt, F.
Spoor, J. J. Hublin, "Proceedings of the
National Academy of Sciences", October 11, 2016,
vol. 113, no. 41, pp. 11489–11494
- free access -
The diminutive middle
ear ossicles (malleus, incus, stapes) housed in the
tympanic cavity of the temporal bone play an
important role in audition. The few known ossicles
of Neandertals are distinctly different from those
of anatomically modern humans (AMHs), despite the
close relationship between both human species.
Although not mutually exclusive, these differences
may affect hearing capacity or could reflect
covariation with the surrounding temporal bone.
Until now, detailed comparisons were hampered by the
small sample of Neandertal ossicles and the
unavailability of methods combining analyses of
ossicles with surrounding structures. Here, we
present an analysis of the largest sample of
Neandertal ossicles to date, including many
previously unknown specimens, covering a wide
geographic and temporal range. Microcomputed
tomography scans and 3D geometric morphometrics were
used to quantify shape and functional properties of
the ossicles and the tympanic cavity and make
comparisons with recent and extinct AMHs as well as
African apes. We find striking morphological
differences between ossicles of AMHs and Neandertals.
Ossicles of both Neandertals and AMHs appear derived
compared with the inferred ancestral morphology,
albeit in different ways. Brain size increase
evolved separately in AMHs and Neandertals, leading
to differences in the tympanic cavity and,
consequently, the shape and spatial configuration of
the ossicles. Despite these different evolutionary
trajectories, functional properties of the middle
ear of AMHs and Neandertals are largely similar. The
relevance of these functionally equivalent solutions
is likely to conserve a similar auditory sensitivity
level inherited from their last common ancestor.
(...) |
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Late
Pleistocene climate drivers of early human migration,
di A. Timmermann, T. Friedrich, "Nature" 538, pp.
92–95 (06 October 2016)
On the basis of fossil
and archaeological data it has been hypothesized
that the exodus of Homo sapiens out of Africa and
into Eurasia between ~50–120 thousand years ago
occurred in several orbitally paced migration
episodes. Crossing vegetated pluvial corridors from
northeastern Africa into the Arabian Peninsula and
the Levant and expanding further into Eurasia,
Australia and the Americas, early H. sapiens
experienced massive time-varying climate and sea
level conditions on a variety of timescales.
Hitherto it has remained difficult to quantify the
effect of glacial- and millennial-scale climate
variability on early human dispersal and evolution.
Here we present results from a numerical human
dispersal model, which is forced by spatiotemporal
estimates of climate and sea level changes over the
past 125 thousand years. The model simulates the
overall dispersal of H. sapiens in close agreement
with archaeological and fossil data and features
prominent glacial migration waves across the Arabian
Peninsula and the Levant region around 106–94,
89–73, 59–47 and 45–29 thousand years ago. The
findings document that orbital-scale global climate
swings played a key role in shaping Late Pleistocene
global population distributions, whereas
millennial-scale abrupt climate changes, associated
with Dansgaard–Oeschger events, had a more limited
regional effect. |
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Palaeoproteomic evidence identifies archaic hominins
associated with the Châtelperronian at the Grotte du
Renne,
di F. Welker et alii, "Proceedings of the
National Academy of Sciences", October 4, 2016, vol.
113, no. 40, pp. 11162–11167
In Western Europe, the
Middle to Upper Paleolithic transition is associated
with the disappearance of Neandertals and the spread
of anatomically modern humans (AMHs). Current
chronological, behavioral, and biological models of
this transitional period hinge on the
Châtelperronian technocomplex. At the site of the
Grotte du Renne, Arcy-sur-Cure, morphological
Neandertal specimens are not directly dated but are
contextually associated with the Châtelperronian,
which contains bone points and beads. The
association between Neandertals and this
“transitional” assemblage has been controversial
because of the lack either of a direct hominin
radiocarbon date or of molecular confirmation of the
Neandertal affiliation. Here we provide further
evidence for a Neandertal–Châtelperronian
association at the Grotte du Renne through
biomolecular and chronological analysis. We
identified 28 additional hominin specimens through
zooarchaeology by mass spectrometry (ZooMS)
screening of morphologically uninformative bone
specimens from Châtelperronian layers at the Grotte
du Renne. Next, we obtain an ancient hominin bone
proteome through liquid chromatography-MS/MS
analysis and error-tolerant amino acid sequence
analysis. Analysis of this palaeoproteome allows us
to provide phylogenetic and physiological
information on these ancient hominin specimens. We
distinguish Late Pleistocene clades within the genus
Homo based on ancient protein evidence through the
identification of an archaic-derived amino acid
sequence for the collagen type X, alpha-1 (COL10α1)
protein. We support this by obtaining ancient mtDNA
sequences, which indicate a Neandertal ancestry for
these specimens. Direct accelerator mass spectometry
radiocarbon dating and Bayesian modeling confirm
that the hominin specimens date to the
Châtelperronian at the Grotte du Renne. |
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Manual
Loading Distribution During Carrying Behaviors:
Implications for the Evolution of the Hominin Hand,
di A. J. M. Key, October 3, 2016, doi:
http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0163801
- free access -
The human hand is unparalleled amongst primates in
its ability to manipulate objects forcefully and
dexterously. Previous research has predominantly
sought to explain the evolution of these
capabilities through an adaptive relationship
between more modern human-like anatomical features
in the upper limb and increased stone tool
production and use proficiency. To date, however, we
know little about the influence that other
manipulatively demanding behaviors may have had upon
the evolution of the human hand. The present study
addresses one aspect of this deficiency by examining
the recruitment of the distal phalanges during a
range of manual transportation (i.e., carrying)
events related to hominin behavioral repertoires
during the Plio-Pleistocene. Specifically, forces on
the volar pad of each digit are recorded during the
transportation of stones and wooden branches that
vary in weight and size. Results indicate that in
most instances, the index and middle fingers are
recruited to a significantly greater extent than the
other three digits during carrying events. Relative
force differences between digits were, however,
dependent upon the size and weight of the object
transported. Carrying behaviors therefore appear
unlikely to have contributed to the evolution of the
robust thumb anatomy observed in the human hand.
Rather, results suggest that the manual
transportation of objects may plausibly have
influenced the evolution of the human gripping
capabilities and the 3rd metacarpal styloid process.
(...) |
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Lion
des cavernes (Leo Pantera spelaeus),
1/10/2016 Si
actuellement l’image du lion est uniquement synonyme
de savane africaine, ce n’était pas le cas aux temps
préhistoriques. On peut même dire que ce grand
carnivore avait les plaines glacées de l’hémisphère
nord comme terrain de chasse, de l’Eurasie à
l’Alaska. C’était probablement, jusqu’à son
extinction, le plus grand prédateur du Paléolithique
supérieur, choisissant ses proies parmi les
troupeaux de rennes qui traversaient la steppe.
Les hommes préhistoriques devaient rencontrer les
lions des cavernes, ou plutôt les éviter, pour ne
pas finir comme plat de résistance. La chasse aux
lions ayant peu de chance d’aboutir, ils préféraient
les peindre ou les graver sur les parois des grottes
ou sur d’autres supports, comme sur de l’ivoire de
mammouth. Petit détail, ce grand félin doit son nom
au fait qu’un grand nombre d’ossements ont été
trouvés dans des cavernes, et non pas au fait que l’animal
y séjournait, ce qui n’est absolument pas prouvé!
(...) |
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I sette scheletri più famosi (e perché sono famosi),
di S. Worrall
Cosa rende un fossile
antico come Lucy una celebrità? Lydia Pyne,
scrittrice e storica, lo racconta nel suo ultimo
libro “Seven Skeletons: The Evolution of the World’s
Most Famous Human Fossils”. La risposta a questa
domanda, spiega, non riguarda solo gli scienziati ma
l’intera ricerca delle origini dell’umanità.
(...) |
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Spatial determinants of the mandibular curve of Spee
in modern and archaic Homo,
di M. F. Laird, N. E. Holton, J. E. Scott, R. G.
Franciscus, S. D. Marshall, T. E. Southard,
"American Journal of Physical Anthropology", Volume
161, Issue 2, October 2016, Pages 226–236
The curve of Spee
(COS) is a mesio-distally curved alignment of the
canine through distal molar cusp tips in certain
mammals including modern humans and some fossil
hominins. In humans, the alignment varies from
concave to flat, and previous studies have suggested
that this difference reflects craniofacial
morphology, including the degree of alveolar
prognathism. However, the relationship between
prognathism and concavity of the COS has not been
tested in craniofacially variant populations. We
tested the hypothesis that greater alveolar
prognathism covaries with a flatter COS in
African-American and European-American populations.
We further examined this relationship in fossil Homo
including Homo neanderthalensis and early
anatomically modern Homo sapiens, which are expected
to extend the amount of variation in the COS from
the extant sample. |
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New
Palaeolithic and Mesolithic sites in the eastern
Aegean: the Karaburun Archaeological Survey Project,
di Ç. Çilingiroğlu, B. Dinçer, A. Uhri, C. Gürbıyık,
İ. Baykara & C. Çakırlar, "Antiquity Project Gallery",
Issue 353, October 2016
Despite ongoing fieldwork focusing on the
Palaeolithic and Mesolithic periods of the Aegean,
the eastern part of this region, especially western
Turkey, remains almost entirely unexplored in terms
of early prehistory. There is virtually no evidence
from this area that can contribute to broader
research themes such as the dispersal of early
hominins, the distribution of Early Holocene
foragers and early forager-farmer interactions. The
primary aim of the Karaburun Archaeological Survey
Project is to address this situation by collecting
data from the eastern side of the Aegean Sea,
thereby contributing to the currently debated issues
of Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean prehistory. |
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New
investigations at the Middle Stone Age site of
Pockenbank Rockshelter, Namibia,
di I. Schmidt et alii, "Antiquity Project
Gallery", Issue 353, October 2016
In southern Africa,
Middle Stone Age sites with long sequences have been
the focus of intense international and
interdisciplinary research over the past decade (cf.
Wadley 2015). Two techno-complexes of the Middle
Stone Age—the Still Bay and Howiesons Poort—have
been associated with many technological and
behavioural innovations of Homo sapiens. The classic
model argues that these two techno-complexes are
temporally separated ‘horizons’ with homogenous
material culture (Jacobs et al. 2008), reflecting
demographic pulses and supporting large
subcontinental networks. This model was developed on
the basis of evidence from southern African sites
regarded as centres of subcontinental developments. |
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Doctors, chefs or hominin animals? Non-edible plants
and Neanderthals,
di K. Hardy, S. Buckley, M. Huffman, "Antiquity",
Volume 90, Issue 353, October 2016, pp. 1373-1379
In 2013, Hardy et al.
offered a broad behavioural context for the
hypothesis that the ingestion of non-nutritional
plants (yarrow and camomile) by Neanderthals was for
the purpose of self-medication. Chemical traces of
these plants had been detected in samples of dental
calculus from Neanderthals at the site of El Sidrón,
Spain, along with traces of bitumen and wood smoke,
as well as starch granules that showed evidence of
roasting (Hardy et al.2012). Subsequently, the
presence of traces of resin and a piece of
non-edible conifer wood were also identified from
these samples (Radini et al.2016). Although not
rejecting our interpretation for the presence of
these two non-edible plants as evidence of medicinal
plant use, two recent articles offer alternative
scenarios for why and how those plants may have
reached the mouth and, eventually, the dental
calculus of the individual concerned. Buck and
Stringer (2014) suggest that the plants were not
deliberately ingested, and that the traces of yarrow
and camomile were in fact embedded in the chyme, or
stomach contents, of herbivore prey. Krief et al.
(2015) propose two hypotheses: first, they suggest
that the plants could have been used to flavour meat;
second, while not ruling out the possibility that
they could be medicinal, they argue on a technical
point that the plants were not self-administered but
were provided by a caregiver. Here, we examine these
suggestions and consider their probability and
feasibility as alternatives to our original proposal
of self-medication. |
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Ochre
Provenance and Procurement Strategies During The
Middle Stone Age at Diepkloof Rock Shelter, South
Africa, di L.
Dayet, F.X. Le Bourdonnec, F. Daniel, G. Porraz,
P.J. Texier, "Archaeometry", Volume 58, Issue 5,
October 2016, Pages 807–829
Usually referred to in
archaeological contexts simply as ‘ochre’,
ferruginous rocks were commonly used during the
Middle Stone Age (MSA) in South Africa. While ochre
use by early modern humans has often been
interpreted as reflecting complex behaviours,
related procurement strategies and selection
criteria remain poorly documented. Eight ochre
sources from the surroundings of Diepkloof rock
shelter in South Africa and 28 ochre pieces from the
site's MSA levels were studied by XRD, ICP–OES and
ICP–MS. Mineralogical and geochemical data
demonstrate that ochre was both locally procured and
transported to the site from more distant sources.
Here, we investigate the reasons underlying the
choice of particular local and non-local ochre
sources exploited at Diepkloof, emphasizing
differences in their physico-chemical properties.
Regardless of the motivations behind ochre selection,
our data shed new light on the behavioural
complexity of MSA societies and suggest that ochre
procurement strategies may be independent of
subsistence concerns. |
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Walking in a Winter Wonderland? Strategies for Early
and Middle Pleistocene Survival in Midlatitude
Europe, di R.
Hosfield, "Current Anthropology", Volume 57, Number
5, October 2016
Any occupation of
northern Europe by Lower Paleolithic hominins, even
those occurring during full interglacials, must have
addressed the challenges of marked seasonality and
cold winters. These would have included the problems
of windchill and frostbite; duration, distribution,
and depth of snow cover; reduced daylight hours; and
distribution and availability of animal and plant
foods. Solutions can essentially be characterized as
a “stick or twist” choice, that is, year-round
presence on a local scale versus extensive annual
mobility. However, these options—and the interim
strategies that lie between them—present various
problems, including maintaining core body
temperature, meeting the energetic demands of
mobility, coping with reduced resource availability
and increasing patchiness, and meeting nutritional
requirements. The feasibility of different winter
survival strategies are explored with reference to
Lower Paleolithic paleoenvironmental reconstructions
and on-site behavioral evidence. Emphasis is placed
on possible strategies for (i) avoiding the
excessive lean meat protein problem of “rabbit
starvation” (e.g., through exploitation of
“residential” species with significant winter body
fat and/or by targeting specific body parts,
following modern ethnographic examples, supplemented
by the exploitation of winter plants) and (ii)
maintaining body temperatures (e.g., through managed
pyrotechnology and/or other forms of cultural
insulation). The paper concludes with a suggested
winter strategy. |
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Chronostratigraphic constraints on Middle
Pleistocene faunal assemblages and Acheulian
industries from the Cretone lacustrine basin,
central Italy,
di F. Marra, P. Ceruleo, B. Jicha, L. Pandolfi, C.
Petronio, L. Salari, B. Giaccio, G. Sottili,
"Journal of Quaternary Science", Volume 31, Issue 7,
October 2016, Pages 641–658
Integrated 40Ar/39Ar,
trace-element, stratigraphic, palaeontological and
palaethnological data provide geochronological and
biochronological constraints for the sedimentary and
tectonic history of a Middle Pleistocene fluvial–lacustrine
basin near Rome (Cretone Basin, central Italy),
which has yielded a significant record of mammal
fossil remains and Palaeolithic industry. This work
is a case study of the interplay between tectonics
and glacio-eustacy, which strongly influenced the
evolution of the Tyrrhenian Sea margin of central
Italy. Dating of tephra layers interbedded within
the Cretone Basin lacustrine succession and
reconstruction of relict terraced surfaces allow
correlation with similar, geochronologically
constrained, marine isotopic stages (MIS) 15–5
terraced deposits along the coast. Coupled
extensional tectonics and regional uplift over the
last 600 ka caused the progressive uplifting and
westward migration of the main fluvial–lacustrine
basin and the formation of a smaller satellite basin
at its eastern margin. Here, stable environmental
conditions during MIS 13–5 indicated continuous
human and large mammal frequentation, as testified
by lithic industry and fossil remains ascribable to
the Acheulean and later early Middle Palaeolithic
technocomplexes and Galerian–Aurelian mammal faunas,
respectively. In addition to providing independent
age constraints to glacial sea-level oscillations of
this region, the reconstructed chronostratigraphic
setting for the Cretone Basin provides evidence for
one of the oldest Acheulean lithic assemblage of
central Italy, as well as new biochronological and
palaeobiogeographical data for some Middle
Pleistocene mammal species of Italy. |
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Virtual reconstruction of the Australopithecus
africanus pelvis Sts 65 with implications for
obstetrics and locomotion,
di A. G. Claxton, A. S. Hammond, J. Romano, E.
Oleinik, J. M. DeSilva, "Journal of Human Evolution",
Volume 99, October 2016, Pages 10–24
Characterizing australopith pelvic morphology has
been difficult in part because of limited fossilized
pelvic material. Here, we reassess the morphology of
an under-studied adult right ilium and pubis (Sts
65) from Member 4 of Sterkfontein, South Africa, and
provide a hypothetical digital reconstruction of its
overall pelvic morphology. The small size of the
pelvis, presence of a preauricular sulcus, and shape
of the sciatic notch allow us to agree with past
interpretations that Sts 65 likely belonged to a
female. The morphology of the iliac pillar, while
not as substantial as in Homo, is more robust than
in A.L. 288-1 and Sts 14. We created a
reconstruction of the pelvis by digitally
articulating the Sts 65 right ilium and a mirrored
copy of the left ilium with the Sts 14 sacrum in
Autodesk Maya. Points along the arcuate line were
used to orient the ilia to the sacrum. This
reconstruction of the Sts 65 pelvis looks much like
a “classic” australopith pelvis, with laterally
flared ilia and an inferiorly deflected pubis. An
analysis of the obstetric dimensions from our
reconstruction shows similarity to other
australopiths, a likely transverse or oblique
entrance of the neonatal cranium into the pelvic
inlet, and a cephalopelvic ratio similar to that
found in humans today. |
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Dietary flexibility of Australopithecus afarensis in
the face of paleoecological change during the middle
Pliocene: Faunal evidence from Hadar, Ethiopia,
di J. G. Wynn et alii, "Journal of Human
Evolution", Volume 99, October 2016, Pages 93–106
One approach to
understanding the context of changes in hominin
paleodiets is to examine the paleodiets and
paleohabitats of contemporaneous mammalian taxa.
Recent carbon isotopic studies suggest that the
middle Pliocene was marked by a major shift in
hominin diets, characterized by a significant
increase in C4 foods in Australopithecus-grade
species, including Australopithecus afarensis. To
contextualize previous isotopic studies of A.
afarensis, we employed stable isotopes to examine
paleodiets of the mammalian fauna contemporaneous
with A. afarensis at Hadar, Ethiopia. We used these
data to inform our understanding of
paleoenvironmental change through the deposition of
the Hadar Formation. While the majority of the taxa
in the Hadar fauna were C4 grazers, most show little
change in the intensity of C4 food consumption over
the 0.5 million-year interval sampled. Two taxa (equids
and bovins) do show increases in C4 consumption
through the Hadar Formation and into the younger,
overlying Busidima Formation. Changes in the
distributions of C4-feeders, C3-feeders and
mixed-C3/C4-feeders in the sampled intervals are
consistent with evidence of dietary reconstructions
based on ecomorphology, and with habitats
reconstructed using community structure analyses.
Meanwhile, A. afarensis is one of many mammalian
taxa whose C4 consumption does not show directional
change over the intervals sampled. In combination
with a wide range of carbon and oxygen isotopic
composition for A. afarensis as compared to the
other large mammal taxa, these results suggest that
the C3/C4 dietary flexibility of A. afarensis was
relatively unusual among most of its mammalian
cohort. |
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Direct
evidence for human exploitation of birds in the
Middle Stone Age of South Africa: The example of
Sibudu Cave, KwaZulu-Natal,
di A. Val, P. de la Peña, L. Wadley, "Journal of
Human Evolution", Volume 99, October 2016, Pages
107–123
Here, we present direct taphonomic evidence for the
exploitation of birds by hunter-gatherers in the
Middle Stone Age of South Africa as far as ∼77 ka.
The bird assemblage from Sibudu Cave, KwaZulu-Natal,
was analysed for bone surface modifications.
Cut-marks associated with skinning, defleshing, and
disarticulation, perforations on distal humeri
produced during disarticulation of the forewing,
peeling, and human tooth marks were observed on bird
bones (i.e., mostly pigeons, doves, Galliformes,
waders, and raptors) recovered from pre-Still Bay,
Still Bay, Howiesons Poort, and post-Howiesons Poort
techno-complexes. We conducted experiments to
butcher, disarticulate, cook, and consume pigeon and
dove carcasses, in order to create a comparative
collection of bone surface modifications associated
with human consumption of these birds. Human/bird
interactions can now be demonstrated outside of
Europe and prior to 50 ka. The evidence sheds new
light on Middle Stone Age subsistence strategies in
South Africa and introduces a fresh argument to the
debate regarding the early emergence of behaviours
usually associated with Later Stone Age
hunter-gatherers. |
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Assessing the function of
pounding tools in the Early Stone Age: A microscopic
approach to the analysis of percussive artefacts
from Beds I and II, Olduvai Gorge (Tanzania),
di A. Arroyo, I. de la Torre, "Journal of
Archaeological Science", Volume 74, October 2016,
Pages 23–34
This study explores the function of quartzite
pounding tools from Olduvai Gorge (Tanzania) using
microscopic and use wear spatial distribution
analysis. A selection of pounding tools from several
Bed I and II assemblages excavated by Mary Leakey
(1971) were studied under low magnification (<100×),
and the microscopic traces developed on their
surfaces are described. Experimental data and
results obtained from analysis of the archaeological
material are compared in order to assess activities
in which pounding tools could have been involved.
Results show that experimental anvils used for meat
processing, nut cracking and/or bone breaking have
similar wear patterns as those observed on
archaeological percussive artefacts. This is the
first time that a microscopic analysis is applied to
Early Stone Age pounding artefacts from Olduvai Beds
I and II, and this paper highlights the importance
that percussive activities played during the Early
Pleistocene, suggesting a wider range of activities
in addition to knapping and butchering. |
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Lithic raw material units
based on magnetic properties: A blind test with
Armenian obsidian and application to the Middle
Palaeolithic site of Lusakert Cave 1,
di E. Frahm, J. M.
Feinberg, G. F. Monnier, G. B. Tostevin, B.
Gasparyan, D. S. Adler, "Journal of Archaeological
Science", Volume 74, October 2016, Pages 102–123
Classification of lithic artifacts’ raw materials
based on macroscopic attributes (e.g., color, luster,
texture) has been used to pull apart knapping
episodes in palimpsest assemblages by attempting to
identify artifacts produced through the reduction of
an individual nodule. These classes are termed “raw
material units” (RMUs) in the Old World and “minimum
analytical nodules” in the New World. RMUs are most
readily defined for lithic artifacts in areas with
distinctive cherts and other siliceous raw materials,
allowing pieces from different nodules to be
recognized visually. Opportunities to apply RMUs,
however, are strongly limited at sites where lithic
material visual diversity is low. The magnetic
properties of obsidian, which result from the
presence of microscopic iron oxide mineral grains,
vary spatially throughout a flow. Consequently,
obsidian from different portions of a source (i.e.,
different outcrops or quarries) can vary in magnetic
properties. This raises the possibility that
magnetic-based RMUs (mRMUs) for obsidian artifacts
could be effective to distinguish individual
scatters from multiple production episodes and offer
insights into spatial patterning within a site or
specific occupation periods. First, we assess the
potential of mRMUs using obsidian pebbles from
Gutansar volcano in Armenia. Second, we evaluate the
validity of this approach based on a double-blind
test involving an experimental assemblage of
Gutansar obsidian flakes. Cluster analysis can
successfully discern flakes from obsidian specimens
containing high concentrations of iron oxides.
Obsidian with more magnetic material has more
opportunities for that material to vary in unique
ways (e.g., grain size, morphology, physical
arrangement). Finally, we apply the mRMU approach to
obsidian artifacts from the Middle Palaeolithic site
of Lusakert Cave 1 in Armenia and compare the
results to traditional RMU studies at
contemporaneous sites in Europe. In particular, we
seek – but do not find – differences between retouch
flakes (which reflect rejuvenation of tools) and the
other small debris (which reflect other reduction
activities). This result likely reflects the local
landscape, specifically the abundance of obsidian
and, thus, little pressure to curate and retouch
tools. As this approach is applied to additional
sites, such findings will play a central role in
regional assessments about the nature and timing of
the Middle to Upper Palaeolithic “transition” and
the relationship, or lack thereof, between
technological behaviors and presumed population
dynamics. |
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Painting Altamira Cave? Shell tools for
ochre-processing in the Upper Palaeolithic in
northern Iberia,
di D. Cuenca-Solana, "Journal of Archaeological
Science", Volume 74, October 2016, Pages 135–151
Much of our knowledge of the symbolic world of Upper
Palaeolithic hunter-gatherers is based on the study
of the graphic representations found in Western
European caves. However, to date, few studies have
been conducted on rock art apart from chronological
and stylistic characterisation. Altamira Cave (northern
Iberia) is characterised by an outstanding rock art
ensemble, whose representations cover practically
the whole Upper Palaeolithic. The site is equally
important for the rich Upper Palaeolithic deposits
in the cave entrance, which contain large shell
assemblages. Traditionally, the presence of shells
in hunter-fisher-gatherer settlements has been
interpreted as part of the diet and/or the symbolic
world (through the creation of ornaments) of these
groups, regardless of their possible use as an
instrument. In this paper we utilise use-wear
methodology, chemical analysis and analytical
experimentation to verify the initial hypothesis
that shells in the archaeological deposits of
Altamira were used to obtain the ochre powder
utilised to produce the magnificent and diverse rock
art ensemble in the cave. The results provide new
information on the process of obtaining pigments for
the realisation of paintings and confirm that the
use of shells to obtain ochre was a systematic
activity throughout the whole study period. Finally,
our conclusions support the explanatory model that
highlights the role played by marine resources for
Upper Palaeolithic human populations. |
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Advances in Palimpsest
Dissection,
"Quaternary International", Volume 417, Pages 1-122
(28 September 2016), Edited by Carolina Mallol and
Cristo Hernández:
- The larger mammal
palimpsest from TK (Thiongo Korongo), Bed II,
Olduvai Gorge, Tanzania, di J. Yravedra et alii
-
Formation processes and stratigraphic integrity of
the Middle-to-Upper Palaeolithic sequence at Cova
Gran de Santa Linya (Southeastern Prepyrenees of
Lleida, Iberian Peninsula), di A. Polo-Díaz, A.
Benito-Calvo, J. Martínez-Moreno, R. Mora Torcal
-
Is it possible to identify temporal differences
among combustion features in Middle Palaeolithic
palimpsests? The archaeomagnetic evidence: A case
study from level O at the Abric Romaní rock-shelter
(Capellades, Spain), di Á. Carrancho, J. J.
Villalaín, J. Vallverdú, E. Carbonell
-
Puzzling out a palimpsest: Testing an
interdisciplinary study in level O of Abric Romaní,
di A. Bargalló, M. Joana Gabucio, F. Rivals
- Temporal frameworks to approach human behavior
concealed in Middle Palaeolithic palimpsests: A
high-resolution example from El Salt Stratigraphic
Unit X (Alicante, Spain), di J. Machado, L. Pérez
-
From site formation processes to human behaviour:
Towards a constructive approach to depict
palimpsests in Roca dels Bous, di J. Martínez-Moreno,
R. Mora Torcal, M. Roy Sunyer, A. Benito-Calvo
-
Site formation dynamics and human occupations at
Bolomor Cave (Valencia, Spain): An
archaeostratigraphic analysis of levels I to XII
(100–200 ka), di P. Sañudo, R. Blasco, J. Fernández
Peris
- Between hearths and volcanic ash: The SU 13
palimpsest of the Oscurusciuto rock shelter (Ginosa
– Southern Italy): Analytical and interpretative
questions, di V. Spagnolo, G. Marciani, D. Aureli,
F. Berna, P. Boscato, F. Ranaldo, A. Ronchitelli |
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Fu
Homo sapiens a far estinguere gli Hobbit?,
26 settembre 2016
Sull'isola di Flores,
nella stessa grotta in cui sono stati scoperti nel
2003 i resti di H. floresiensis, ribattezzato Hobbit
per le sue piccole dimensioni, sono stati scoperti
anche due denti attribuibili a Homo sapiens. La
differenza di appena 4000 anni nelle datazioni dei
reperti fa pensare che siano stati gli esseri umani
a causare la scomparsa dell'ominide, probabilmente
nella competizione per accaparrarsi le scarse
risorse dell'isola. (...) |
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Neandertals made jewelry, proteins confirm,
di L. Wade, "Science", 23 Sep 2016, Vol. 353, Issue
6306, pp. 1350
The "necklaces" are
tiny: beads of animal teeth, shells, and ivory no
more than a centimeter long. But they provoked an
outsized debate that has raged for decades. Found in
the Grotte du Renne cave at Arcy-sur-Cure in central
France, they were reportedly found in the same
layers as fossils from Neandertals. Some
archaeologists credited the artifacts, described as
part of the Châtelperronian culture, to our archaic
cousins. But others argued that Neandertals were
incapable of the kind of symbolic expression
reflected in jewelry and insisted that modern humans
must have been the creators. Now, a pioneering study
uses ancient proteins to identify Neandertal bone
fragments from Grotte du Renne for direct
radiocarbon dating. The team finds that the link
between the archaic humans and the artifacts is real. |
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Human remains found in hobbit cave,
di E. Callaway, "Nature-News", 21 September 2016
A pair of
46,000-year-old human teeth has been discovered in
Liang Bua, a cave on the Indonesian island of Flores
that was once home to the 1-metre-tall ‘hobbit’
species Homo floresiensis. The teeth are slightly
younger than the known hobbit remains, which
strengthens the case that humans were responsible
for the species’ demise. A team led by archaeologist
Thomas Sutikna and geochronologist Richard Roberts,
both at the University of Wollongong, Australia,
reported the discovery of the teeth in a talk on 17
September at the annual meeting of the European
Society for the study of Human Evolution in Madrid.
The 2003 discovery of H. floresiensis puzzled
researchers, in part because some of the remains
were carbon dated to 11,000 years ago1–3. By then,
Homo sapiens had colonized southeast Asia, and few
scientists could imagine them having co-existed with
hobbits for thousands of years. But this year,
re-dating work in the cave pushed the extinction of
hobbits back to around 50,000 years ago4. Roberts,
who led that study, noted that humans were known to
be already living in southeast Asia around that time.
“It’s a smoking gun for modern human interaction,
but we haven’t yet found the bullet,” he told Nature
when the paper was published in March 2016. (...) |
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A New
Chronology for Rhafas, Northeast Morocco, Spanning
the North African Middle Stone Age through to the
Neolithic, di
N. Doerschner et alii, September 21, 2016, doi:
http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0162280
- free access -
Archaeological sites in northern Africa provide a
rich record of increasing importance for the origins
of modern human behaviour and for understanding
human dispersal out of Africa. However, the timing
and nature of Palaeolithic human behaviour and
dispersal across north-western Africa (the Maghreb),
and their relationship to local environmental
conditions, remain poorly understood. The cave of
Rhafas (northeast Morocco) provides valuable
chronological information about cultural changes in
the Maghreb during the Palaeolithic due to its long
stratified archaeological sequence comprising Middle
Stone Age (MSA), Later Stone Age (LSA) and Neolithic
occupation layers. In this study, we apply optically
stimulated luminescence (OSL) dating on sand-sized
quartz grains to the cave deposits of Rhafas, as
well as to a recently excavated section on the
terrace in front of the cave entrance. We hereby
provide a revised chronostratigraphy for the
archaeological sequence at the site. We combine
these results with geological and sedimentological
multi-proxy investigations to gain insights into
site formation processes and the palaeoenvironmental
record of the region. The older sedimentological
units at Rhafas were deposited between 135 ka and 57
ka (MIS 6 –MIS 3) and are associated with the MSA
technocomplex. Tanged pieces start to occur in the
archaeological layers around 109 ka, which is
consistent with previously published chronological
data from the Maghreb. A well indurated duricrust
indicates favourable climatic conditions for the
pedogenic cementation by carbonates of sediment
layers at the site after 57 ka. Overlying deposits
attributed to the LSA technocomplex yield ages of
~21 ka and ~15 ka, corresponding to the last glacial
period, and fall well within the previously
established occupation phase in the Maghreb. The
last occupation phase at Rhafas took place during
the Neolithic and is dated to ~7.8 ka. (...) |
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Fire
Usage and Ancient Hominin Detoxification Genes:
Protective Ancestral Variants Dominate While
Additional Derived Risk Variants Appear in Modern
Humans, di J.
M. Aarts, G. M. Alink, F. Scherjon, K. MacDonald, A.
C. Smith, H. Nijveen, W. Roebroeks, September 21,
2016, doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0161102
- free access -
Studies of the defence capacity of ancient hominins
against toxic substances may contribute importantly
to the reconstruction of their niche, including
their diets and use of fire. Fire usage implies
frequent exposure to hazardous compounds from smoke
and heated food, known to affect general health and
fertility, probably resulting in genetic selection
for improved detoxification. To investigate whether
such genetic selection occurred, we investigated the
alleles in Neanderthals, Denisovans and modern
humans at gene polymorphisms well-known to be
relevant from modern human epidemiological studies
of habitual tobacco smoke exposure and mechanistic
evidence. We compared these with the alleles in
chimpanzees and gorillas. Neanderthal and Denisovan
hominins predominantly possess gene variants
conferring increased resistance to these toxic
compounds. Surprisingly, we observed the same in
chimpanzees and gorillas, implying that less
efficient variants are derived and mainly evolved in
modern humans. Less efficient variants are
observable from the first early Upper Palaeolithic
hunter-gatherers onwards. While not clarifying the
deep history of fire use, our results highlight the
long-term stability of the genes under consideration
despite major changes in the hominin dietary niche.
Specifically for detoxification gene variants
characterised as deleterious by epidemiological
studies, our results confirm the predominantly
recent appearance reported for deleterious human
gene variants, suggesting substantial impact of
recent human population history, including
pre-Holocene expansions. (...) |
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Neandertals made their own jewelry, new method
confirms, di L.
Wade, "Science-News", Sep. 16, 2016
The “necklaces” are
tiny: beads of animal teeth, shells, and ivory no
more than a centimeter long. But they provoked an
outsized debate that has raged for decades. Found in
the Grotte du Renne cave at Arcy-sur-Cure in central
France, they accompanied delicate bone tools and
were found in the same layers as fossils from
Neandertals—our archaic cousins. Some archaeologists
credited the artifacts—the so-called Châtelperronian
culture—to Neandertals. But others argued that
Neandertals were incapable of the kind of symbolic
expression reflected in the jewelry and insisted
that modern humans must have been the creators. Now,
a study uses a new method that relies on ancient
proteins to identify and directly date Neandertal
bone fragments from Grotte du Renne and finds that
the connection between the archaic humans and the
artifacts is real. Ross Macphee, a paleontologist at
the American Museum of Natural History in New York
City, who has worked with ancient proteins in other
studies, calls it “a landmark study” in the
burgeoning field of paleoproteomics. And others say
it shores up the picture of Neandertals as smart,
symbolic humans. (...) |
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Extensive Paleolithic Flint Extraction and Reduction
Complexes in the Nahal Dishon Central Basin, Upper
Galilee, Israel,
di M. Finkel, A. Gopher, R. Barkai, "Journal of
World Prehistory", September 2016, Volume 29, Issue
3, pp 217–266
Recently found
open-air flint extraction and workshop sites in the
Eastern Galilee, Israel, are the focus of this paper.
Lithic assemblages from among a few of the thousands
of tailing piles documented in a field survey,
indicate mostly late Lower Palaeolithic/Middle
Palaeolithic and rarely Neolithic/Chalcolithic
affinities. These discoveries substantially increase
our knowledge of the scope of lithic extraction and
reduction in northern Israel in these periods. The
new sites are located on a 25 km2 outcrop of
flint-bearing Eocene limestone indicating intensive
extraction of large amounts of flint, possibly
beyond immediate local consumption requirements.
After describing the new sites, we discuss their
relation to nearby Middle and Lower Palaeolithic
sites; possible resource management scenarios;
chronology and duration of the extraction and
reduction activity; and the sites as possible
landmarks. A key question is the extent of the flint
distribution area, or, more precisely, whether this
region was a dominant mega-quarry for northern
Israel and/or Southern Lebanon in the periods
discussed. |
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Magdatis project: Hunter-gatherers and environmental
change in the Aquitaine basin during the Magdalenian,
Special Section, Quaternary International, Volume
414, Pages 1-350 (1 September 2016). Edited by J-M.
Pétillon, V. Laroulandie, S. Costamagno, and M.
Langlais |
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Aggiornamento 7 settembre |
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The environment of the
Ethiopian highlands at the Mid Pleistocene
Transition: Fauna, flora and hominins in the 850-700
ka sequence of Gombore II (Melka Kunture),
di M. Mussi, F. Altamura, R. Bonnefille, D. De Rita,
R.T. Melis, "Quaternary Science Reviews", Volume
149, 1 October 2016, Pages 259–268
Environment, climatic change and human evolution
have been debated over the last 50 years giving
special attention to the Plio-Pleistocene sites of
the Rift Valley. In this paper we discuss the
environment and the limits of hominin adaptability
based on evidence from Melka Kunture, at 2000 m asl
on the Ethiopian highlands, and specifically on the
∼850 ka to ∼700 ka sequence at sub-site Gombore II.
Human fossils and multiple Acheulean occurrences, as
well as hippo remains and footprints, combined with
palynological analysis, provide a highly detailed
chronological resolution of the changing local
environmental conditions during the last ∼150 ka of
the MPT (Mid Pleistocene Transition), including the
sequence of events after a volcanic eruption. Layers
containing footprints and fossils are evidence of
near-continuous occupation by hippos and their
recolonization of the area after a disruptive
volcanic eruption. Conversely, Acheulean implements
and human fossils suggest that peopling by hominins
occurred at a different and discontinuous pace even
when the flora and fauna were re-established and the
environment was rather stable. Most notably, the
assembled evidence points to the limits of Homo
erectus s.l. adaptability. Apparently, this hominin
could no longer live at 2000 m asl when the climate
deteriorated during glacial isotopic stage 20,
becoming markedly colder than it is today, but
re-colonized the area when the climate turned warmer
again during isotopic stage 19. |
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Palaeoenvironment and dating
of the Early Acheulean localities from the Somme
River basin (Northern France): New discoveries from
the High Terrace at Abbeville-Carrière Carpentier,
di P. Antoine et alii, "Quaternary Science
Reviews", Volume 149, 1 October 2016, Pages 338–371
Dating the earliest human occupations in Western
Europe and reconstructing links with climatic and
environmental constraints is a central issue in
Quaternary studies. Amongst the discovery of
Palaeolithic artefacts ascribed to the Early
Pleistocene in southeast Britain and central France
the Somme Basin, where the Acheulean type-site
Amiens Saint-Acheul is located, is a key area for
addressing this topic. Research undertaken over the
past 20 years on both Quaternary fluvial and loess
sequences of this area has provided a unique dataset
for the study of the relations between human
occupations and environmental variations. Studies
based on an interdisciplinary approach combining
sedimentology, palaeontology and geochronology have
highlighted the impact of the 100 kyrs cycles on
terrace formation during the last million years. In
this terrace system, the earliest in situ Acheulean
settlements known in the 1990s were dated to early
MIS 12 (±450 ka), but new field discoveries, at
Amiens “Rue du Manège”, dated to ± 550 ka,
significantly increase the age of the oldest human
occupation in the area. In this context, new
fieldwork has been undertaken in Abbeville at the
Carrière Carpentier site, famous for its White Marl
deposit attributed to the Cromerian and in the same
terrace level where the former discoveries of
“Abbevillian bifaces” were made by d'Ault du Mesnil.
This research is based on an interdisciplinary
approach, combining sedimentology, paleontology,
dating (ESR on quartz and ESR/U-series on teeth) and
archaeology. According to the various bio-proxies (molluscs,
large vertebrates, small mammals), the White Marl
was deposited during the early part of an
interglacial phase in an aquatic slow-flowing
environment, as emphasized by the development of
oncoliths and the presence of fish and aquatic
molluscs. The landscape was composed of a mosaic of
open bush and forest areas, in which wet and grassy
vegetation developed on riverbanks. On the basis of
terrace stratigraphy, ESR and ESR/U-series dating
results, and biostratigraphic data, the fluvial
deposits of the White Marl can be securely
attributed to MIS 15. In addition, some Acheulean
bifaces were discovered at the base of the slope
deposits, directly overlying the fluvial sequence.
These artefacts are most likely coeval with the end
of MIS 15 or an early stage of MIS 14, between 550
and 500 ka, and represent, together with the
artefacts from Amiens “Rue du Manège”, the oldest in
situ evidence of Acheulean occupation in Northern
France. However, no unquestionable artefacts have
been discovered in the White Marl or in the
underlying gravel layer. These discoveries
contribute to the chronology of the earliest
evidence of hominin occupations in north-western
Europe which may be related to Homo heidelbergensis. |
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Did Homo erectus kill a Pelorovis herd at BK (Olduvai
Gorge)? A taphonomic study of BK5,
di E. Organista et alii, "Archaeological and
Anthropological Sciences", September 2016, Volume 8,
Issue 3, pp 601–624
New research and
excavations at Bell Korongo (BK, Olduvai Gorge,
Upper Bed II) have uncovered a dense concentration
of megafauna that contributes to our understanding
of Homo erectus subsistence strategies around 1.34
Ma. Recent work has yielded clear taphonomic
evidence for the exploitation of large-sized animals.
The frequency and distribution of cut marks, for
example, indicates that hominins enjoyed early
access to substantial amounts of meat. This degree
of carcass processing, particularly megafauna,
suggests that the human group(s) exploiting them
were large and had significant nutritional needs.
Here, we build upon this work by presenting the
first comprehensive taphonomic analysis of the
faunal material excavated by the Leakeys at BK
between 1952 and 1957 corresponding to 24 Pelorovis
oldowayensis. Leakey’s assemblage was biased due to
selective collection of the most readily
identifiable specimens, among which long bone shafts
were not included. The recent assemblage reflects
the relevance of using long bone shafts to overcome
the equifinality of the alternative scenarios
proposed to explain the accumulation of Pelorovis.
The analysis of The Olduvai Paleoanthropology and
Paleoecology Project’s (TOPPP) recent assemblage
sheds light on the reconstruction of hominin
strategies of carcass acquisition at BK. |
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Reflections on Gravettian firewood procurement near
the Pavlov Hills, Czech Republic,
di A.J.E. Pryor, A. Pullen, D.G. Beresford-Jones,
J.A. Svoboda, C.S. Gamble, "Journal of
Anthropological Archaeology", Volume 43, September
2016, Pages 1–12
This paper draws
attention to firewood as a natural resource that was
gathered, processed and consumed on a daily basis by
Palaeolithic groups. Using Gravettian occupation of
the Pavlovské Hills as a case study (dated to around
30,000 years BP), we investigate firewood
availability using archaeological,
palaeoenvironmental and ecological data, including
making inferences from charcoal in Pavlovian hearths.
The collated evidence suggests that while dead wood
was likely readily available in woodland areas where
humans had not recently foraged, longer term
occupations – or repeated occupation of the same
area by different groups – would have quickly
exhausted naturally occurring supplies. Once
depleted, the deadwood pool may have taken several
generations (∼40–120 years) to recover enough to
provide fuel for another base camp occupation. Such
exhaustion of deadwood supplies is well attested
ethnographically. Thus, we argue that Pavlovian
groups likely managed firewood supplies using
methods similar to those used by recent hunter–gatherers:
through planned geographic mobility and by
deliberately killing trees years in advance of when
wood was required, so leaving time for the wood to
dry out. Such management of fuel resources was, we
argue, critical to human expansion into these cold,
hitherto marginal, ecologies of the Upper
Palaeolithic. |
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Perimortem fractures in Lucy suggest mortality from
fall out of tall tree,
di J. Kappelman et alii, Nature (2016), 29
August 2016, doi:10.1038/nature19332
- free access -
The Pliocene fossil
‘Lucy’ (Australopithecus afarensis) was discovered
in the Afar region of Ethiopia in 1974 and is among
the oldest and most complete fossil hominin
skeletons discovered. Here we propose, on the basis
of close study of her skeleton, that her cause of
death was a vertical deceleration event or impact
following a fall from considerable height that
produced compressive and hinge (greenstick)
fractures in multiple skeletal elements. Impacts
that are so severe as to cause concomitant fractures
usually also damage internal organs; together, these
injuries are hypothesized to have caused her death.
Lucy has been at the centre of a vigorous debate
about the role, if any, of arboreal locomotion in
early human evolution. It is therefore ironic that
her death can be attributed to injuries resulting
from a fall, probably out of a tall tree, thus
offering unusual evidence for the presence of
arborealism in this species. (...)
·
Did famed human ancestor ‘Lucy’ fall to her death?
di A. Gibbons, "Science News", Aug. 29, 2016
·
Fossil Sleuthing Hints at What Killed “Lucy,” Our
Iconic Ancestor, "Scientific American", August 29,
2016 |
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Print your own 3D Lucy to work
out how the famous hominin died,
di E. Callaway, "Nature-News", 29 August 2016
The
world’s most famous fossil is now open source. 3D
scans of Lucy — a 3.18-million-year-old hominin
found in Ethiopia — were released on 29 August,
allowing anyone to examine her arm, shoulder and
knee bones and even make their own 3D-printed copies.
The scans accompany a Nature paper that argues that
Lucy, a human relative belonging to the species
Australopithecus afarensis, died after falling from
a tree (J. Kappelman et al. Nature http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/nature19332;
2016). The team behind the paper also made the scans
available to the public and is eager for other
researchers to test the hypothesis by printing out
the bones. “It’s one thing for me to describe it in
detail in paper, but it’s another thing to hold
these things, to be able to print them out, look at
them and put them together,” says team leader John
Kappelman, a palaeoanthropologist at the University
of Texas at Austin. His team received approval from
the National Museum of Ethiopia and the country’s
government to make the models of Lucy public. “My
sense from the Ethiopians is that Lucy is not only
their national treasure, but they see her as a
treasure for humankind,” says Kappelman, who hopes
that the country will soon release digital scans of
the rest of Lucy and that other countries may follow
suit with other hominin fossils. (...) |
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Tool or weapon? New research throws light on stone
artifacts' use as ancient projectiles,
18-AUG-2016 A
team of psychologists, kinesiologists and
archaeologists at Indiana University and elsewhere
are throwing new light on a longstanding
archaeological mystery: the purpose of a large
number of spherical stone artifacts found at a major
archaeological site in South Africa. IU Bloomington
professor Geoffrey Bingham and colleagues in the
United Kingdom and United States contend that the
stones -- previously thought by some to be used as
tools -- served instead as weapons for defense and
hunting. The research, which combines knowledge
about how modern humans perceive an object's "throwing
affordance" with mathematical analysis and
evaluation of these stones as projectiles for
throwing, appears in the journal Scientific Reports.
"Our study suggests that the throwing of stones
played a key role in the evolution of hunting," said
Bingham, a professor in the IU Bloomington College
of Arts and Sciences' Department of Psychological
and Brain Sciences and an author on the study. "We
don't think that throwing is the sole, or even
primary, function of these spheroids, but these
results show that this function is an option that
warrants reconsidering as a potential use for this
long-lived, multipurpose tool." (...) |
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The Acheulian and Early Middle
Paleolithic in Latium (Italy): Stability and
Innovation,
di P. Villa et alii, August 15, 2016,
http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0160516
- free access-
We present here the results of a technological and
typological analysis of the Acheulian and early
Middle Paleolithic assemblages from Torre in Pietra
(Latium, Italy) together with comparisons with the
Acheulian small tools of Castel di Guido. The
assemblages were never chronometrically dated before.
We have now 40Ar/39Ar dates and ESR-U-series dates,
within a geomorphological framework, which support
correlations to marine isotope stages. The Acheulian
(previously correlated to MIS 9) is now dated to MIS
10 while the Middle Paleolithic is dated to MIS 7.
Lithic analyses are preceded by taphonomic
evaluations. The Levallois method of the Middle
Paleolithic assemblage is an innovation
characterized by the production of thin flake blanks
without cortex. In contrast, the small tool blanks
of the Acheulian were either pebbles or thick flakes
with some cortex. They provided a relatively easy
manual prehension. The choice of Levallois thin
flake blanks in the Middle Paleolithic assemblage
suggest that the new technology is most likely
related to the emergence of hafting. Accordingly,
the oldest direct evidence of hafting technology is
from the site of Campitello Quarry in Tuscany (Central
Italy) where birch-bark tar, found on the proximal
part of two flint flakes, is dated to the end of MIS
7. Nevertheless, a peculiar feature of the Middle
Paleolithic at Torre in Pietra is the continuous
presence of small tool blanks on pebbles and cores
and on thick flake albeit at a much lower frequency
than in the older Acheulian industries. The adoption
of the new technology is thus characterized by
innovation combined with a degree of stability. The
persistence of these habits in spite of the
introduction of an innovative technique underlies
the importance of cultural transmission and
conformity in the behavior of Neandertals. (...) |
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Measure, Then Show: Grasping
Human Evolution Through an Inquiry-Based,
Data-driven Hominin Skulls Lab,
di C. N. Bayer, M. Luberda, August 11, 2016, http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0160054
- free access -
Incomprehension and
denial of the theory of evolution among high school
students has been observed to also occur when
teachers are not equipped to deliver a compelling
case also for human evolution based on fossil
evidence. This paper assesses the outcomes of a
novel inquiry-based paleoanthropology lab teaching
human evolution to high-school students. The
inquiry-based Be a Paleoanthropologist for a Day lab
placed a dozen hominin skulls into the hands of
high-school students. Upon measuring three variables
of human evolution, students explain what they have
observed and discuss findings. In the 2013/14 school
year, 11 biology classes in 7 schools in the Greater
New Orleans area participated in this lab. The
interviewed teacher cohort unanimously agreed that
the lab featuring hominin skull replicas and
stimulating student inquiry was a pedagogically
excellent method of delivering the subject of human
evolution. First, the lab’s learning path of
transforming facts to data, information to knowledge,
and knowledge to acceptance empowered students to
themselves execute part of the science that
underpins our understanding of deep time hominin
evolution. Second, although challenging, the
hands-on format of the lab was accessible to
high-school students, most of whom were readily able
to engage the lab’s scientific process. Third, the
lab’s exciting and compelling pedagogy unlocked
higher order thinking skills, effectively activating
the cognitive, psychomotor and affected learning
domains as defined in Bloom’s taxonomy. Lastly, the
lab afforded students a formative experience with a
high degree of retention and epistemic depth.
Further study is warranted to gauge the degree of
these effects. (...) |
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Study reveals culprit behind Piltdown Man, one of
science’s most famous hoaxes,
di M. Price, "Science News", Aug. 9, 2016
The big-brained,
ape-jawed Piltdown Man was hailed as a major missing
link in human evolution when he was discovered in a
gravel pit outside a small U.K. village in 1912. The
find set the pace for evolutionary research for
decades and established the United Kingdom as an
important site in human evolution. The only problem?
Piltdown Man turned out to be one of the most famous
frauds in scientific history—a human cranium paired
with an orangutan’s jaw and teeth. Now, scientists
think they’ve figured out once and for all that a
single hoaxer was responsible, not a duplicitous
cabal. The saga of Piltdown started in 1907. That
year, a sand mine worker in Germany discovered the
jaw bone of Homo heidelbergensis—a
200,000-to-600,000-year-old hominin now recognized
as a likely common ancestor to both modern humans
and Neandertals. The find, compounded by rising
national tensions that would eventually lead to
World War I, sparked something of an inferiority
complex among U.K. naturalists. So it seemed
fortuitous when, 5 years later, Charles Dawson, a
professional lawyer and amateur fossil hunter in
Sussex, U.K. (now East Sussex, U.K.), wrote to his
friend, paleontologist Sir Arthur Smith Woodward,
announcing that he had uncovered a “thick portion of
a human(?) skull which will rival H. heidelbergensis
in solidity” near the Sussex village of Piltdown.
(...) |
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Archaeological excavations at the site of At (Vršac,
Serbia),
di W. Chu, D. Mihailović, I. Pantović, C. Zeeden, T.
Hauck & F. Lehmkuhl, "Antiquity Project Gallery",
Issue 352, August 2016
Between 2014 and 2015,
the Universities of Cologne and Belgrade, and the
Vršac Museum, conducted small-scale excavations at
the site of At in Vršac, north-western Serbia
(Figure 1). Part of the larger site-complex of
Crvenka-At, the site of At is the closest Early
Upper Palaeolithic site to Peștera cu Oase in
Romania, where the oldest directly dated modern
human remains in Europe were found (Trinkhaus et al.
2012). The wider site complex of Crvenka-At was
previously known from lithic artefacts collected
during sand-quarrying in the nineteenth and
twentieth centuries (Mihailović 1992), and from a
small archaeological excavation in 1984 (Radovanović
1986); additionally, excavations during the
1970–1980s located late Vinča (c. 5500–4500 BC)
settlements and sporadic Starčevo (c. 6200–5500 BC)
finds. The purpose of our excavations was to locate
and study intact archaeological deposits associated
with these early settlements. (...) |
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The Pontinian open-air project (PONT-AIR), Lazio,
Italy,
di M. Gatta, K. F. Achino, M. La Rosa, P. Ceruleo,
L. Silvestri, M. F. Rolfo, "Antiquity Project
Gallery", Issue 352, August 2016
Over the last 70 years,
more than 100 Middle Palaeolithic open-air sites of
abundant lithic industry have been identified along
the coastal plains of Lazio. As a result, the region
now has one of the highest densities of known
Neanderthal sites in Italy (Aureli et al. 2011)
(Figure 1). The recent re-dating to 295 000–220 000
BP of several Middle Palaeolithic sites in this area
has further illustrated that this region was also
host to the earliest Neanderthal population in the
Italian peninsula (Marra et al. 2015). Despite the
importance of this archaeological evidence, the role
of such sites in their regional context has never
been investigated, and techno-economical analyses of
the available lithic industry are still missing. The
current project aims to fill this knowledge gap and
to provide new insights into the Middle Palaeolithic
stratigraphies of Lazio. (...) |
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Fossil skulls reveal that blood flow rate to the
brain increased faster than brain volume during
human evolution,
di R. S. Seymour, V. Bosiocic, E. P. Snelling, 31
August 2016, DOI: 10.1098/rsos.160305
- free access -
The evolution of human
cognition has been inferred from anthropological
discoveries and estimates of brain size from fossil
skulls. A more direct measure of cognition would be
cerebral metabolic rate, which is proportional to
cerebral blood flow rate (perfusion). The hominin
cerebrum is supplied almost exclusively by the
internal carotid arteries. The sizes of the foramina
that transmitted these vessels in life can be
measured in hominin fossil skulls and used to
calculate cerebral perfusion rate. Perfusion in 11
species of hominin ancestors, from Australopithecus
to archaic Homo sapiens, increases
disproportionately when scaled against brain volume
(the allometric exponent is 1.41). The high exponent
indicates an increase in the metabolic intensity of
cerebral tissue in later Homo species, rather than
remaining constant (1.0) as expected by a linear
increase in neuron number, or decreasing according
to Kleiber's Law (0.75). During 3 Myr of hominin
evolution, cerebral tissue perfusion increased
1.7-fold, which, when multiplied by a 3.5-fold
increase in brain size, indicates a 6.0-fold
increase in total cerebral blood flow rate. This is
probably associated with increased interneuron
connectivity, synaptic activity and cognitive
function, which all ultimately depend on cerebral
metabolic rate. (...) |
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Bondi Cave and the
Middle-Upper Palaeolithic transition in western
Georgia (south Caucasus),
di D. Pleurdeau et alii, "Quaternary Science
Reviews", Volume 146, 15 August 2016, Pages 77–98
The
late Pleistocene expansion of anatomically modern
humans (AMHs) into Eurasia and the concurrent demise
of the Neanderthals appears to be a complex and
regionally variable process. The southern Caucasus
region, with its rich cave-sites, has recently
provided important results regarding this process.
In this paper we report on the results of fieldwork
in Bondi Cave, Western Georgia, providing a new
radiocarbon chronology, stratigraphic observations,
analyses of lithic technology and provenance, faunal
and floral remains as well as paleoenvironmental
data. The cave includes Middle Palaeolithic (ca,
45,000 ka cal. BP) cultural horizons and a long
Upper Palaeolithic sequence (ca. 40,000–27,000 cal.
BP from layer V to IV). A modern human tooth was
found in layer Vb. We estimate its age at
39,000–35,800 Cal BP (95.4%), based on the Bayesian
age model we built. If the context of the tooth is
reliable, as we think it is, this would make it the
oldest morphologically modern human in the Caucasus.
Upper Palaeolithic hunting of tur and bison, as well
as the collection of various plants including flax
is attested. Mobile Upper Palaeolithic foragers
inhabited the cave in generally cold and dry periods,
but a mosaic of environments, including forests and
meadows, was nonetheless available to them. The
archaeological sequence of Bondi and adjacent sites
indicates a substantial time gap between the Middle
and Upper Palaeolithic occupations, thus disproving
Neanderthal-AMH interaction in this area and lending
support to a replacement scenario in the southern
Caucasus, assuming of course that the Early Upper
Palaeolithic (EUP) is related to the arrival of AMHs. |
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Cueva Antón: A multi-proxy MIS
3 to MIS 5a paleoenvironmental record for SE Iberia,
di J. Zilhão et alii, "Quaternary Science
Reviews", Volume 146, 15 August 2016, Pages 251–273
Overlying a palustrine deposit of unknown age (complex
FP), and protected from weathering and erosion
inside a large cave/rock-shelter cavity, the
sedimentary fill of Cueva Antón, a Middle
Paleolithic site in SE Spain, corresponds in most
part (sub-complexes AS2-to-AS5) to a ca.3 m-thick
Upper Pleistocene terrace of the River Mula. Coupled
with the constraints derived from the deposit’s
paleoclimatic proxies, OSL dating places the
accumulation of this terrace in MIS 5a, and
radiocarbon dates from the overlying breccia cum
alluvium (sub-complex AS1) fall in the middle part
of MIS 3; the intervening hiatus relates to valley
incision and attendant erosion. The two intervals
represented remain largely unknown in Iberia, where
the archeology of the early-to-middle Upper
Pleistocene is almost entirely derived from karst
sites; Cueva Antón shows that this dearth of data,
often interpreted in demographic terms, has
depositional underpinnings ultimately determined by
past climate variation. In early MIS 5a, the
paleobotanical evidence indicates climate conditions
similar to present, albeit wetter, followed by
progressive cooling, reflected in the replacement of
Aleppo pine by black pine and, at the very end,
juniper-dominated landscapes — the latter
characterizing also mid-MIS 3 times. The variation
in sedimentary facies and composition of the mollusk
assemblages reflects the changing position of the
river channel relative to the back wall of the cave.
Such changes represented the major constraint for
the occupation of the site — most of the time
inaccessible to terrestrial mammals, it was used
throughout by the eagle-owl, explaining the
abundance of rabbit bones. Human occupation occurred
during a few, short windows of availability, and is
reflected in well-preserved living floors defined by
hearths, artefact scatters, and the remains of
hunted herbivores. The stone tool assemblages are
Middle Paleolithic, which, in Europe, implies a
Neandertal identity for their makers and, hence,
that Neandertals persisted in the region until GI 8.
Cueva Antón’s high-resolution record provides unique,
critical information on the paleoenvironments and
adaptations of humans in two short windows of time
during which wetter conditions existed in SE Iberia,
where arid or semi-arid climates prevailed through
most of the Upper Pleistocene and the Holocene. |
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The evolutionary relationships
and age of Homo naledi: An assessment using dated
Bayesian phylogenetic methods,
di M. Dembo et alii, "Journal of Human
Evolution", Volume 97, August 2016, Pages 17–26
Homo naledi is a recently discovered species of
fossil hominin from South Africa. A considerable
amount is already known about H. naledi but some
important questions remain unanswered. Here we
report a study that addressed two of them: “Where
does H. naledi fit in the hominin evolutionary tree?”
and “How old is it?” We used a large supermatrix of
craniodental characters for both early and late
hominin species and Bayesian phylogenetic techniques
to carry out three analyses. First, we performed a
dated Bayesian analysis to generate estimates of the
evolutionary relationships of fossil hominins
including H. naledi. Then we employed Bayes factor
tests to compare the strength of support for
hypotheses about the relationships of H. naledi
suggested by the best-estimate trees. Lastly, we
carried out a resampling analysis to assess the
accuracy of the age estimate for H. naledi yielded
by the dated Bayesian analysis. The analyses
strongly supported the hypothesis that H. naledi
forms a clade with the other Homo species and
Australopithecus sediba. The analyses were more
ambiguous regarding the position of H. naledi within
the (Homo, Au. sediba) clade. A number of hypotheses
were rejected, but several others were not. Based on
the available craniodental data, Homo antecessor,
Asian Homo erectus, Homo habilis, Homo floresiensis,
Homo sapiens, and Au. sediba could all be the sister
taxon of H. naledi. According to the dated Bayesian
analysis, the most likely age for H. naledi is 912
ka. This age estimate was supported by the
resampling analysis. Our findings have a number of
implications. Most notably, they support the
assignment of the new specimens to Homo, cast doubt
on the claim that H. naledi is simply a variant of
H. erectus, and suggest H. naledi is younger than
has been previously proposed. |
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The altitudinal mobility of
wild sheep at the Epigravettian site of Kalavan 1 (Lesser
Caucasus, Armenia): Evidence from a sequential
isotopic analysis in tooth enamel,
di C. Tornero et alii, "Journal of Human
Evolution", Volume 97, August 2016, Pages 27–36
Kalavan 1 is an
Epigravettian hunting campsite in the Aregunyats
mountain chain in northeastern Armenia (Lesser
Caucasus). The site lies at an elevation of 1640 m
in a bottleneck that controls the descent into the
Barepat Valley from the alpine meadows above. The
lithic and faunal assemblages show evidence of the
production of hunting weapons, the hunting and
targeting of wild sheep (Ovis orientalis), and the
constitution of animal product reserves. A seasonal
occupation of the site was proposed within a model
of occupation by Epigravettian hunter-gatherers that
involved a search for obsidian resources in high
altitude sources from the spring to the summer and
settling at Kalavan 1 at the end of summer or during
autumn to coincide with the migration of wild herds
from the alpine meadows to the valley. A key
parameter of this model is wild sheep ethology, with
a specifically seasonal vertical mobility, based on
observations from contemporary mouflon populations
from the surrounding areas. In this study, the
vertical mobility of Paleolithic wild sheep was
directly investigated through sequential isotope
analysis (δ18O, δ13C) in teeth. A marked seasonality
of birth is suggested that reflects a physiological
adaptation to the strong environmental constraints
of this mountainous region. Most importantly, a
recurrent altitudinal mobility was demonstrated on a
seasonal basis, which confirms that wild sheep
migrated from lowland areas that they occupied in
the winter and then moved to higher altitude meadows
during the summer. Last, low inter-individual
variability in the stable isotope sequences favors a
hypothesis of accumulation for these faunal remains
over a short time period. Overall, this new dataset
strengthens the previous interpretations for Kalavan
1 and contributes to an understanding of the pattern
of occupation of mountain territories by
Epigravettian communities. |
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Cutmark data and their
implications for the planning depth of Late
Pleistocene societies,
di M. C. Souliera, E. Morin, "Journal of Human
Evolution", Volume 97, August 2016, Pages 37–57
Cutmarks provide empirical evidence for the
exploitation of animal resources by past human
groups. Their study may contribute substantially to
our knowledge of economic behavior, including the
procurement of prey and the analysis of butchery
sequences. Butchering practices can be investigated
using cutmark illustrations recorded on bone
templates. In this paper, quantitative data on
cutmarks were derived from published and unpublished
cutmark drawings for 27 French assemblages dated
between the late Middle Paleolithic and the final
Upper Paleolithic. The analysis of cutmark data on
meaty long bones (humerus, radio-ulna, femur, tibia)
highlights strong variations in cutmark length and
orientation in the sample that potentially reflect
significant shifts in meat processing strategies
during the Late Pleistocene. The present study shows
that long longitudinal cutmarks are considerably
more frequent during the Late Glacial Maximum than
in the early Upper Paleolithic. Although the number
of studies is small, actualistic data generated in
controlled settings indicate that long longitudinal
cutmarks are commonly produced during filleting, an
activity closely associated with meat preservation,
as is the case with drying and smoking. Because they
provide information on possible changes in the
capacity for anticipation, these results have
potentially important implications for the
logistical and economic organization of Paleolithic
hominins. |
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Reevaluating the functional
implications of Australopithecus afarensis navicular
morphology,
di T. C. Prang, "Journal of Human Evolution", Volume
97, August 2016, Pages 73–85
The
longitudinal arch is a unique characteristic of the
human foot, yet the timing and pattern of its
evolution remain controversial, in part due to the
disagreement among researchers over which skeletal
traits are the best indicators of its presence or
absence. The small size of the human navicular
tuberosity has previously been linked to the
presence of a longitudinal arch, implying that the
large tuberosity of early hominins such as
Australopithecus afarensis reflects a flat foot.
However, this hypothesis is at odds with other
evidence of pedal form and function, such as
metatarsal, tarsal, and footprint morphology, which
show that a longitudinal arch was probably present
in A. afarensis. This study reevaluates the
morphometric affinities of the A. afarensis
naviculars among other Plio-Pleistocene fossil
hominins and anthropoid primates (N = 170).
Multivariate cluster analyses show that all fossil
hominin naviculars, including those attributed to A.
afarensis, are most similar to modern humans. A
measure of navicular tuberosity size quantified as
the ratio of the tuberosity volume to the surface
area of the talar facet shows that Ateles has the
largest navicular tuberosity among the anthropoid
sample and that there is no difference between
highly arboreal and terrestrial taxa in this metric
(e.g., Hylobates and Gorilla beringei). Instead, a
relatively large navicular tuberosity may reflect
the development of leg musculature associated with
ankle plantarflexion. The functional inferences
derived from the morphology of the A. afarensis
naviculars are consistent with the morphology of the
Laetoli footprints. |
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Trabecular architecture in the StW 352 fossil
hominin calcaneus,
di A. Zeininger, B. A. Patel, B. Zipfel, K. J.
Carlson, "Journal of Human Evolution", Volume 97,
August 2016, Pages 145–158
Australopithecus africanus has been interpreted as
having a rigid lateral foot. One mechanism
contributing to a rigid foot during push-off in
humans is a calcaneocuboid joint (CCJ) with limited
dorsiflexion and a “close-packed” talocalcaneal
joint (TCJ). In contrast, apes likely have a greater
CCJ range of motion and lack a close-packed TCJ.
Differences in tarsal arthrokinematics may result in
different joint loading environments. In Homo
sapiens, we tested the hypothesis that dorsal and
plantar CCJ and the TCJ show evidence of predictable
habitual loading. In Pan troglodytes, Gorilla
gorilla, Gorilla beringei, and Papio ursinus, we
tested the hypothesis that only the dorsal CCJ shows
evidence of predictable loading. Specifically, we
predicted similarity in trabecular properties across
the dorsal and plantar CCJ in H. sapiens, but
dissimilarity in non-humans. Additionally, we
investigated trabecular properties of an A.
africanus calcaneus (StW 352) to evaluate joint
loading patterns in this hominin and ultimately
address the evolution of these properties in H.
sapiens. Contrary to predictions, the H. sapiens
dorsal CCJ has a significantly higher elongation
index, bone volume fraction, trabecular thickness,
and trabecular number than the plantar CCJ, while
trabecular properties in non-humans do not always
differ as predicted between regions. H. sapiens
exhibits trabecular morphology indicative of less
variable TCJ loading than other groups, having the
most anisotropic and rod-like struts oriented in
line with predicted principal loads. Multivariate
analysis shows that the StW 352 dorsal CCJ matches
P. ursinus best, while the plantar CCJ matches G.
beringei best and the TCJ matches that of G. gorilla
best. Overall patterns suggest that the StW 352
calcaneus experienced more variable loading than H.
sapiens, but less variable loading than P.
troglodytes, G. gorilla, G. beringei, and P. ursinus,
consistent with a large range of foot movements,
probably reflecting locomotor kinematics that are
unlike those of living humans or apes. |
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Archeological insights into hominin cognitive
evolution,
di T. Wynn, F. L. Coolidge, "Evolutionary
Anthropology", Volume 25, Issue 4, July/August 2016,
Pages 200–213
How did the human mind
evolve? How and when did we come to think in the
ways we do? The last thirty years have seen an
explosion in research related to the brain and
cognition. This research has encompassed a range of
biological and social sciences, from epigenetics and
cognitive neuroscience to social and developmental
psychology. Following naturally on this
efflorescence has been a heightened interest in the
evolution of the brain and cognition. Evolutionary
scholars, including paleoanthropologists, have
deployed the standard array of evolutionary methods.
Ethological and experimental evidence has added
significantly to our understanding of nonhuman
brains and cognition, especially those of nonhuman
primates.[1, 2] Studies of fossil brains through
endocasts and sophisticated imaging techniques have
revealed evolutionary changes in gross neural
anatomy.[3, 4] Psychologists have also gotten into
the game through application of reverse engineering
to experimentally based descriptions of cognitive
functions. For hominin evolution, there is another
rich source of evidence of cognition, the
archeological record. Using the methods of
Paleolithic archeology and the theories and models
of cognitive science, evolutionary cognitive
archeology documents developments in the hominin
mind that would otherwise be inaccessible. |
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Fires at Neumark-Nord 2, Germany: An analysis of
fire proxies from a Last Interglacial Middle
Palaeolithic basin site,
di E. Pop et alii, "Journal of Field
Archaeology", Volume 41, 2016 - Issue 5, Page
603-617 Few
sites with evidence for fire use are known from the
Last Interglacial in Europe. Hearth features are
rarely preserved, probably as a result of
post-depositional processes. The small postglacial
basins (<300m in diameter) that dominate the
sedimentary context of the Eemian record in Europe
are high-resolution environmental archives often
containing charcoal particles. This case study
presents the macroscopic charcoal record of the
Neumark-Nord 2 basin, Germany, and the correlation
of this record with the distinct find levels of the
basin margin that also contain thermally altered
archaeological material. Increased charcoal
quantities are shown to correspond to phases of
hominin presence—a pattern that fits best with
recurrent anthropogenic fires within the watershed.
This research shows the potential of small basin
localities in the reconstruction of local fire
histories, where clear archaeological features like
hearths are missing. |
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Depuis l’Est? Nouvelles perspectives sur les
premières dynamiques de peuplement en Europe,
di R. Rocca, "L'Anthropologie", Volume 120, Issue 3,
Pages 209-296 (June–August 2016), Pages 209-236
Les modèles de
diffusion de l’Homme hors d’Afrique considèrent que
les premiers groupes humains ont peuplé l’Europe
selon deux vagues correspondant chacune à une
culture et à une technique différente. Les premiers
peuplements, qui remontent au million d’années, se
caractérisent par des productions d’éclats,
associées à des outils sur galets. La deuxième vague
serait porteuse de l’Acheuléen, puisque les
premières industries comprenant des bifaces en
Europe sont datées d’environ 0,7 millions d’années.
Or, les données présentes en Europe centrale ont
bien du mal à entrer dans ce cadre théorique.
Pourtant sur le chemin des premiers peuplements hors
d’Afrique, cette région n’a pas livré les données
archéologiques auxquelles on aurait pu s’attendre.
Les premiers indices d’occupation humaine antérieurs
à 0,5 Ma sont rarissimes, les bifaces sont absents
durant toute la durée du Paléolithique inférieur et
les industries présentes sont originales. L’Europe
centrale est-elle une aire culturelle spécifique au
Paléolithique inférieur ? Ou est-ce que ce sont nos
propres outils méthodologiques qui doivent être
interrogés pour répondre à cet apparent paradoxe ?
C’est à travers l’étude de l’industrie lithique de
quatre sites que nous avons tenté de répondre à ces
questions. Les deux premiers assemblages (Korolevo
VI en Ukraine et Kärlich-Seeufer en Allemagne) sont
datés aux environs de 0,5 Ma et ont livré une
industrie basée sur la production d’éclats variés.
Les deux autres collections, datées autour de
0,4–0,3 Ma (Vértesszölös en Hongrie et Bilzingsleben
en Allemagne) se caractérisent au contraire par une
industrie basée sur la confection de petits supports
sélectionnés. Les résultats de l’étude des premières
industries en Europe centrale, nous invitent donc à
reconsidérer la question du peuplement de l’Europe
et à nous interroger sur les critères pris en compte
dans la définition des entités culturelles et des
systèmes techniques au Paléolithique inférieur. |
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Menez-Dregan 1 (Plouhinec,
Finistère, France) : un site d’habitat du
Paléolithique inférieur en grotte marine.
Stratigraphie, structures de combustion, industries
riches en galets aménagés,
di J. L. Monnier et alii, "L'Anthropologie",
Volume 120, Issue 3, Pages 209-296 (June–August
2016), Pages 237-262
Le
gisement paléolithique inférieur de Menez-Dregan1
fait l’objet d’une fouille importante et d’un
programme interdisciplinaire depuis 1991. Il s’agit
d’une ancienne grotte marine dont le toit s’est
progressivement effondré. Le remplissage témoigne
d’un bilan sédimentaire assez faible, dominé par les
dépôts littoraux anciens avec de nombreux hiatus d’érosion.
Trois unités stratigraphiques principales séparées
par des dépôts littoraux correspondant à des phases
d’interruption majeure de la présence humaine,
renferment des niveaux d’occupation. Les datations
par résonance paramagnétique électronique (RPE)
placeraient la première occupation humaine vers le
stade 12 ou la fin du 13 (vers 465 000 ans). Les
datations RPE obtenues sur la base de la couche 5
situeraient les occupations vers la fin du stade 11
(vers 380 000 ans). Les études géologiques
(sédimentologie, corrélations stratigraphiques à
courte distance) tendent à confirmer ces datations.
Notre connaissance des groupes humains qui se sont
succédés à Menez-Dregan repose essentiellement sur
les outils lithiques qu’ils y ont abandonnés.
L’industrie des niveaux supérieurs (couche 5)
correspond à la définition du Colombanien. À côté de
nombreux éclats et nucléus, existent des galets
aménagés (choppers essentiellement), des galets
fracturés et des galets à enlèvements isolés sur des
roches variées, quelques hachereaux et de rares
bifaces. S’y ajoute un outillage léger dominé par
les denticulés et les encoches, et comprenant
également des racloirs peu variés typologiquement.
Cet outillage « léger » est surtout en silex, mais
on y trouve aussi un peu de quartz et de grès lustré.
La dernière couche d’occupation (couche 4) pourrait
marquer la transition entre le Paléolithique
inférieur et le Paléolithique moyen. Si l’on peut
parler de faciès régional pour les industries à
galets aménagés du littoral sud-armoricain, il est
difficile de le distinguer totalement de l’Acheuléen
du nord de la France. Ces industries armoricaines
pourraient en effet correspondre à des aires d’activités
spécialisées, comme cela a été démontré pour
certains groupes à galets aménagés attribués au
Paléolithique moyen. La notion de cultures, qui
pourrait également être mise en avant pour expliquer
cette variabilité, doit être abordée avec une
extrême prudence, car elle ne serait guère fondée
que sur la présence (ou l’absence) d’un seul type d’outil
(le biface). |
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Le site acheuléen d’Erg
Tihodaïne: caractéristiques technologiques de
l’industrie lithique du Pléistocène moyen (Sahara
central, Algérie),
di S. Hocine, "L'Anthropologie", Volume 120, Issue
3, Pages 209-296 (June–August 2016), Pages 263-284
Depuis plus d’un siècle, le site acheuléen de l’Erg
Tihodaïne a fait l’objet de plusieurs travaux de
recherches qui ont permis la récolte d’un matériel
lithique très abondant en surface et dans l’unité
morphostratigraphique rattachée au Pléistocène moyen.
Malgré l’importance de cette industrie lithique,
aucune analyse technologique d’ensemble n’a été
réalisée. Dans cet article, nous fournissons les
caractéristiques d’une stratégie de production
lithique à travers l’analyse technologique de trois
séries dans le but de tenter de cerner les
comportements techniques essentiels des hominidés
acheuléens installés sur les bords de l’ancien lac
de l’Erg Tihodaïne. |
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Caractéristiques
techno-économiques de l’industrie lithique d’un site
acheuléen de surface: Aïn Dfali, Ouazzane, Maroc,
di M. Arzarello et alii, "L'Anthropologie",
Volume 120, Issue 3, Pages 209-296 (June–August
2016), Pages 285-295
Le
site d’Aïn Dfali se trouve au sud de la ville d’Ouazzane
et au Nord-ouest du village Aïn Defali. Cette zone
se situe à l’extrémité ouest de la plaine du Gharb
dans la zone sud des nappes pré-rifaines. Les
formations quaternaires sont localisées sur la rive
droite de l’oued Redat. Les grandes collines, à l’ouest
du village d’Aïn Dfali, sont constituées d’alluvions
à cailloutis et à graviers attribuées au Quaternaire
ancien. Au piémont de ces collines, le Quaternaire
moyen prend place avec un relief atténué. La matière
première exploitée pour la confection de l’industrie
trouvée sur le site est constituée essentiellement
de quartzite avec un choix des supports de taille
moyenne à grande. Les chaînes opératoires ne sont
pas complètes comme démontré par l’absence de la
composante relative aux éclats de mise en forme et
de petites dimensions. Les chaînes opératoires de
façonnage et de débitage coexistent. Le façonnage
est essentiellement représenté par des bifaces et
des chopper-nucléus. Les bifaces sont souvent
façonnés sur une face et montrent d’importants
résidus corticaux ; il s’agit de bifaces sur éclats
ou sur galets allongés et aplatis. Les éclats
utilisés comme support sont généralement corticaux.
Les chopper-nucléus sont exploités par débitage
unipolaire unifacial (de 3 à 5 enlèvements) et
montrent un tranchant sinueux probablement non
fonctionnel. Les méthodes de débitage sont Levallois
(récurrent et linéale), discoïde unifaciale et
bifaciale et SSDA. Le débitage SSDA voit l’exploitation
de 2/4 plans de frappe par une méthode unipolaire
pour l’obtention d’éclats de grandes/moyennes
dimensions de formes irrégulières et souvent à
résidus corticaux latéraux. Très peux produit
retouché ont été trouvé. Le débitage Levallois est
fait sur des galets aplatis et ronds, la mise en
forme de la surface Levallois est réalisée par des
enlèvements centripètes et le plan de débitage
montre soit le détachement d’un éclat préférentiel
de forme ronde soit une exploitation récurrente
centripète ou récurrente unipolaire ; documentée
aussi par la production des pointes Levallois. Le
débitage discoïde, sur galets arrondis, est surtout
de type unifacial et voit l’exploitation
préférentielle d’une convexité prononcée ou l’exploitation
alternée de deux convexités opposées. Les produits
obtenus sont épais et ont une forme triangulaire/quadrangulaire
avec des négatifs convergents. Le matériel retrouvé
à Aïn Dfali est le résultat d’un transport sélectif
et se trouve en position secondaire mais permet d’attester
une importante occupation préhistorique acheuléenne
dans la région. |
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Cancer on a Paleo-diet? Ask someone who lived 1.7
million years ago,
28-JUL-2016
Johannesburg, South Africa - an international team
of researchers led by scientists from the University
of the Witwatersrand's Evolutionary Studies
Institute and the South African Centre for
Excellence in PalaeoSciences today announced in two
papers, published in the South African Journal of
Science, the discovery of the most ancient evidence
for cancer and bony tumours yet described in the
human fossil record. The discovery of a foot bone
dated to approximately 1.7 million years ago from
the site of Swartkrans with definitive evidence of
malignant cancer, pushes the oldest date for this
disease back from recent times into deep prehistory.
Although the exact species to which the foot bone
belongs is unknown, it is clearly that of a hominin,
or bipedal human relative. In an accompanying paper
appearing in the same journal, a collaborating team
of scientists identify the oldest tumour ever found
in the human fossil record, a benign neoplasm found
in the vertebrae of the well-known Australopithecus
sediba child, Karabo from the site of Malapa, and
dated to almost two million years in age. The oldest
previously demonstrated possible hominin tumour was
found in the rib of a Neanderthal and dated to
around 120,000 years old. (...) |
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How rope was made 40,000 years ago,
July 22, 2016
Rope and twine are
critical components in the technology of mobile
hunters and gatherers. In exceptional cases
impressions of string have been found in fired clay
and on rare occasions string was depicted in the
contexts of Ice Age art, but on the whole almost
nothing is known about string, rope and textiles
form the Paleolithic. Researchers have now
discovered a tool used to make early rope. (...) |
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How China is rewriting the book on human origins,
"Nature-News Feature", 12 July 2016
On the outskirts of
Beijing, a small limestone mountain named Dragon
Bone Hill rises above the surrounding sprawl. Along
the northern side, a path leads up to some
fenced-off caves that draw 150,000 visitors each
year, from schoolchildren to grey-haired pensioners.
It was here, in 1929, that researchers discovered a
nearly complete ancient skull that they determined
was roughly half a million years old. Dubbed Peking
Man, it was among the earliest human remains ever
uncovered, and it helped to convince many
researchers that humanity first evolved in Asia.
Since then, the central importance of Peking Man has
faded. Although modern dating methods put the fossil
even earlier — at up to 780,000 years old — the
specimen has been eclipsed by discoveries in Africa
that have yielded much older remains of ancient
human relatives. Such finds have cemented Africa's
status as the cradle of humanity — the place from
which modern humans and their predecessors spread
around the globe — and relegated Asia to a kind of
evolutionary cul-de-sac. (...)
·
Come la Cina sta riscrivendo il libro delle origini
dell'uomo, "Le Scienze", 23 luglio 2016 |
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Footprints reveal direct evidence of group behavior
and locomotion in Homo erectus,
di K. G. Hatala et alii, "Scientific Reports"
6, 12 July 2016, doi:10.1038/srep28766
- free access -
Bipedalism is a
defining feature of the human lineage. Despite
evidence that walking on two feet dates back 6–7 Ma,
reconstructing hominin gait evolution is complicated
by a sparse fossil record and challenges in
inferring biomechanical patterns from isolated and
fragmentary bones. Similarly, patterns of social
behavior that distinguish modern humans from other
living primates likely played significant roles in
our evolution, but it is exceedingly difficult to
understand the social behaviors of fossil hominins
directly from fossil data. Footprints preserve
direct records of gait biomechanics and behavior but
they have been rare in the early human fossil
record. Here we present analyses of an unprecedented
discovery of 1.5-million-year-old footprint
assemblages, produced by 20+ Homo erectus
individuals. These footprints provide the oldest
direct evidence for modern human-like weight
transfer and confirm the presence of an
energy-saving longitudinally arched foot in H.
erectus. Further, print size analyses suggest that
these H. erectus individuals lived and moved in
cooperative multi-male groups, offering direct
evidence consistent with human-like social behaviors
in H. erectus. (...) |
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The
role of small prey in human subsistence strategies
from Early Upper Palaeolithic sites in Iberia: the
rabbits from the Evolved Aurignacian level of
Arbreda Cave,
di L. Lloveras et alii, "Journal of
Quaternary Science", Volume 31, Issue 5, July 2016,
Pages 458–471
In the western
Mediterranean, changes in hunter-gatherer
subsistence strategies have been identified from the
Early Upper Palaeolithic. These changes are
characterized by broadening of diet and
intensification of small prey exploitation. In the
Iberian Peninsula region, intensified small prey
exploitation is evidenced by the hunting of large
quantities of European rabbit (Oryctolagus cuniculus),
which are usually a ubiquitous feature of faunal
assemblages from archaeological sites. Before
interpretations of the significance of such
assemblages can proceed, however, it is necessary to
confirm their anthropic origin, as a wide range of
predators are agents of accumulation. The taphonomic
signatures observed for predators are here applied
to the analysis of leporid (rabbits and hares)
remains from the Evolved Aurignacian layer of
Arbreda Cave (north-east Iberia). The aims of this
work are two-fold: (i) to identify the agent/s of
accumulation; and (ii) to assess possible changes in
small prey use during the Middle to Upper
Palaeolithic transition. Our results suggest that
rabbit assemblages were probably hunted and consumed
by humans and that rabbits became a primary resource
in hunter-gatherer diet from the Early Upper
Palaeolithic. |
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The
Hoslteinian period in Europe (MIS 11-9),
edited by M. H. Moncel, M. Arzarello, C. Peretto, "Quaternary
International", Volume 409, Part B, Pages 1-270 (21
July 2016):
-
The Hoslteinian period in Europe (MIS 11-9),
di M. H. Moncel, M. Arzarello, C. Peretto
-
The end of the Lower Paleolithic in the Levant: The
Acheulo-Yabrudian lithic technology at Misliya Cave,
Israel, di Y.
Zaidner, M. Weinstein-Evron
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The Lower to Middle Paleolithic transition and the
diversification of Levallois technology in the
Southern Levant: Evidence from Tabun Cave, Israel,
di R. Shimelmitz, M. Weinstein-Evron, A. Ronen, S.
L. Kuhn
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The human occupation of Britain during the Hoxnian
Interglacial,
di N. Ashton
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Acheulean of the Somme basin (France): Assessment of
lithic changes during MIS 12 to 9,
di A. Lamotte, A. Tuffreau
- A
new key-site for the end of Lower Palaeolithic and
the onset of Middle Palaeolithic at
Etricourt-Manancourt (Somme, France),
di D. Hérisson et alii
-
Menez-Dregan I, layer 4: A transitional layer
between the Lower and Middle Palaeolithic in
Brittany, di A.
L. Ravon, J. L. Monnier, M. Laforge
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Lost and found: Technological trajectories within
Lower/Middle Paleolithic transition in Western
Europe, North of the Pyrenees,
di A. Malinsky-Buller
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Acheulean technical behaviors in Aldène cave (Cesseras,
Hérault, France),
di E. Rossoni-Notter, O. Notter, S. Simone, P. Simon
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Bifaces used for percussion? Experimental approach
to percussion marks and functional analysis of the
bifaces from Terra Amata (Nice, France),
di C. Viallet
-
Preliminary data from Valle Giumentina Pleistocene
site (Abruzzo, Central Italy): A new approach to a
Clactonian and Acheulian sequence,
di E. Nicoud et alii
-
Bone retouchers from Lower Palaeolithic sites: Terra
Amata, Orgnac 3, Cagny-l'Epinette and Cueva del
Angel, di A. M.
Moigne et alii
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First settlements in Central Europe: Between
originality and banality,
di R. Rocca
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The Pre-Mousterian industrial complex in Europe
between 400 and 300 ka: Interpreting its origin and
spatiotemporal variability,
di V. Doronichev
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MIS 11-locality of Medzhibozh, Ukraine:
Archaeological and paleozoological evidence,
di V.N. Stepanchuk, A.M. Moigne
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Palaeoclimatic changes in the Holsteinian
Interglacial (Middle Pleistocene) on the basis of
indicator-species method – Palynological and
macrofossils remains from Nowiny Żukowskie site (SE
Poland), di A.
Hrynowiecka, H. Winter |
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Refining upon the climatic background of the Early
Pleistocene hominid settlement in western Europe:
Barranco León and Fuente Nueva-3 (Guadix-Baza Basin,
SE Spain), di
H. A. Blain et alii, "Quaternary Science
Reviews", Volume 144, 15 July 2016, Pages 132–144
The
Early Pleistocene sites of Barranco León and Fuente
Nueva-3 (Guadix-Baza Basin, SE Spain) have yielded
thousands of Mode 1 or Oldowan lithic artifacts (both
sites) and one tooth (in layer D, formerly 5 of
Barranco León), today considered to be some of the
earliest evidence of humans in western Europe at ca.
1.2–1.5 Ma. Previous quantitative paleoclimatic
reconstructions based on herpetile assemblages
indicated that, during the formation of these two
sites, the mean annual temperature and mean annual
precipitation were higher than they are now in the
southeastern Iberian Peninsula, with lower
continentality. Here, we propose new climatic
reconstructions where the mean monthly temperature
and precipitation and the difference between the
four driest months and the four rainiest months are
estimated. Climatograms are built in order to
specify the distribution and variation of
temperature and precipitation during the year, and
the Aridity Indices of Gaussen, Lautensach-Mayer,
Dantin-Revenga and De Martonne are used to
characterize ombroclimatic differences. According to
these new climatic parameters, rainfall distribution
through the year shows considerably higher
precipitation in every season except summer and
early autumn, which remain drier and thus consistent
with a Mediterranean climate pattern. No change is
observed in the duration of the aridity period,
which remains four months long. However, the value
of the Aridity Index of De Martonne is higher than
20 (subhumid climate) in Barranco León and Fuente
Nueva-3, whereas today it is lower than 20 (semi-arid
climate), suggesting major changes in the
ombroclimatic type. These results yield a more
precise scenario for the paleoclimatic conditions
that prevailed during the late Early Pleistocene in
the Guadix-Baza Basin and permit us to contrast the
ages obtained from numerical dating and
biochronology. The very warm and humid climate
reconstructed for both Barranco León and Fuente
Nueva-3 suggests that, in accordance with the
numerical dating, these two sites are
contemporaneous with the particularly warm
interglacial peaks of Marine Isotope Stages 43–49
(i.e. between 1.35 and 1.47 Ma). The similarity
between reconstructed climates, the high overlap
between their estimated precipitation and between
the difference of the driest from the rainiest
season suggest that these sites may correspond to
the same part of a climatic glacial/interglacial
cycle, but because the evolutionary degree of the
rodent Mimomys savini shows a slightly more derived
state for Fuente Nueva-3 than for Barranco León (i.e
a short chronological difference between the two
sites), they may correspond to two consecutive warm
interglacial peaks. |
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Palaeohydrological corridors
for hominin dispersals in the Middle East
~250–70,000 years ago,
di P. S. Breeze et alii, "Quaternary Science
Reviews", Volume 144, 15 July 2016, Pages 155–185
The
timing and extent of palaeoenvironmental connections
between northeast Africa, the Levant and the Arabian
Peninsula during the Middle and Late Pleistocene are
critical to debates surrounding dispersals of
hominins, including movements of Homo sapiens out of
Africa. Although there is evidence that synchronous
episodes of climatic amelioration during the late
Middle and Late Pleistocene may have allowed
connections to form between northern Africa and
western Asia, a number of palaeoclimate models
indicate the continued existence of an arid barrier
between northern Arabia and the Levant. Here we
evaluate the palaeoenvironmental setting for hominin
dispersals between, and within, northeast Africa and
southwest Asia during Marine Isotope Stages (MIS)
7–5 using reconstructions of surface freshwater
availability as an environmental proxy. We use
remotely sensed data to map palaeohydrological
features (lakes, wetlands and rivers) across the
presently hyper-arid areas of northern Arabia and
surrounding regions, integrating these results with
palaeoclimate models, palaeoenvironmental proxy data
and absolute dating to determine when these features
were active. Our analyses suggest limited potential
for dispersals during MIS 7 and 6, but indicate the
formation of a palaeohydrological corridor (the
‘Tabuk Corridor’) between the Levant and the Arabian
interior during the MIS 6-5e glacial–interglacial
transition and during MIS 5e. A recurrence of this
corridor, following a slightly different route, also
occurred during MIS 5a. These palaeohydrological and
terrestrial data can be used to establish when
proposed routes for hominin dispersals became viable.
Furthermore, the distribution of Arabian
archaeological sites with affinities to Levantine
assemblages, some of which are associated with Homo
sapiens fossils, and the relative density of Middle
Palaeolithic assemblages within the Tabuk Corridor,
are consistent with it being utilised for dispersals
at various times. |
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The Middle Palaeolithic in the Desert II,
edited by J. Blinkhorn, E. Scerri, H. Groucutt , A.
Delagnes, "Quaternary International", Volume 408,
Part B, Pages 1-152 (15 July 2016):
- The Middle
Palaeolithic in the Desert II,
di J. Blinkhorn, E.
Scerri, H. Groucutt , A. Delagnes
- The Middle
Palaeolithic of West Africa: Lithic
techno-typological analyses of the site of Tiemassas,
Senegal, di K.
Niang, M. Ndiaye
- The Middle Stone
Age archaeology of the Senegal River Valley,
di E. M. L. Scerri, J. Blinkhorn, H. S. Groucutt, K.
Niang
- West African
Palaeolithic history: New archaeological and
chronostratigraphic data from the Falémé valley,
eastern Senegal,
di B. Chevrier et alii
- Middle Stone Age
reduction strategies at the desert's edge: A
multi-site comparison across the Gebel Akhdar of
northeast Libya,
di S. C. Jones
- Dispersals Out of
Africa and Back to Africa: Modern origins in North
Africa, di
E.A.A. Garcea
- Optimal adjustment or cultural backwardness? New
data on the latest Levallois industries in the Nile
Valley, di P.
Osypiński, M. Osypińska
- Assessing
long-term habitability at an eastern Sahara oasis:
ESR dating of molluscs and herbivore teeth at
Dakhleh Oasis, Egypt,
di M.R. Kleindienst et alii
- “Diffusion with
modifications”: Nubian assemblages in the central
Negev highlands of Israel and their implications for
Middle Paleolithic inter-regional interactions,
di M. Goder-Goldberger, N. Gubenko, E. Hovers
- Playas and Middle
Paleolithic settlement of the Iranian Central Desert:
The discovery of the Chah-e Jam Middle Paleolithic
site, di H.
Vahdati Nasab, M. Hashemi |
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Marine
mollusc exploitation as evidenced by the Gorham's
Cave (Gibraltar) excavations 1998–2005: The
Middle–Upper Palaeolithic transition,
di D. Andrew Fa et alii, "Quaternary
International", Volume 407, Part B, 8 July 2016,
Pages 16–28
There is increasing evidence that humans have
exploited intertidal and shallow-water species for
much longer than has been previously considered, and
certainly not restricted to Anatomically Modern
Humans (AMH). One of the principal reasons for the
lack of evidence up till recently has been a lack of
consideration for the temporal and spatial backdrop
to such activities throughout human evolution, in
particular related to changes in sea-level during
the Pleistocene (Bailey et al., 2008). This study
reports on the marine molluscs excavated from
Gorham's Cave between 1998 and 2005, focussing in
particular between levels III and IV, corresponding
to the Upper (AMH) and Middle Palaeolithic (Neanderthals),
respectively. Given that Gorham's Cave was never
more than approximately 2 km away from the coastline,
it still preserves evidence of exploitation of
marine molluscs for food by Neanderthals and in this
article the data obtained are compared across the
Middle–Upper Palaeolithic transition. The results
obtained suggest a high degree of consistency in the
mode of marine mollusc exploitation between levels,
and comparisons with extant communities supports the
contention that marine molluscs were exploited in
direct proportion to their relative abundance and
accessibility. Patterns in shell size distributions
for some of the main species exploited are discussed,
as are possible anthropic valve selection and the
marine climatic signals that can be extracted from
such data. The main difference that emerges between
Upper and Middle Palaeolithic levels was a lack of
evidence of collection for decoration in Middle
Palaeolithic levels, but even here the relatively
small size of the Level IV sample precluded totally
excluding this possibility based only on absence of
evidence. |
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Neanderthal retouched shell tools and Quina economic
and technical strategies: An integrated behaviour,
di F. Romagnoli, J. Baena, L. Sarti, "Quaternary
International", Volume 407, Part B, 8 July 2016,
Pages 29–44
Neanderthal shell tools have been discovered in
several coastal sites along the Mediterranean Sea in
the past 50 years. These technological artefacts
have rarely been investigated, and only typological
considerations have been published. Recent studies
have investigated retouched shell tools at Grotta
del Cavallo with a new multidisciplinary methodology,
and they have found that the use of Callista chione
valves was not related to subsistence strategies but
rather to the search for a specific cutting edge,
reconstructing the whole chaîne opératoire. In this
paper, we focus on some technical aspects of shell
tool production that have not been investigated to
date: (i) the technical reaction of the shell to
retouching on the basis of its microstructural and
physical properties, (ii) the identification of
technical gestures used during production and (iii)
the economic value of shell technology from a
technical perspective. The experiments were
conducted along with the analysis of the whole
lithic assemblage and the economic, technological
and technical characteristics of the lithic
techno-complex are presented. The results of shell
analysis and shell integration within the stone tool
techno-economical strategies clearly show that at
Grotta del Cavallo, this Neanderthal technical
adaptation to coastal resources could be considered
an expression of the Quina system. The data
presented in this study are discussed in relation to
Middle Palaeolithic behavioural variability, and we
emphasise four primary, strictly interdependent
concepts: mobility strategies, flexibility of the
Quina techno-economic system, social organisation
and cognitive features of human groups. The Quina
shell technology is the result of a complex modality
of adaptation to environmental diversity, and it is
related to the Neanderthal capacity for innovation.
In this paper, we discuss how and why the innovation
of shell technology might have occurred within the
Quina system. The data presented in this study
represent the first investigation of the technical
modalities of Neanderthal adaptation to the seashore. |
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Food
and ornaments: Diachronic changes in the
exploitation of littoral resources at Franchthi Cave
(Argolid, Greece) during the Upper Palaeolithic and
the Mesolithic(39,000–7000 cal BC),
di C. Perlès, "Quaternary International", Volume
407, Part B, 8 July 2016, Pages 45–58
The
long Upper Palaeolithic and Mesolithic sequence of
Franchthi Cave is often quoted for the importance of
its marine resources. The first coastal resources to
be exploited, from the very beginning of the Upper
Palaeolithic, were ornamental shell species. Fish
was captured since at least the 13th millennium cal
BC, and Franchthi is well known for the episode of
intense tuna fishing in the Upper Mesolithic (8th
millennium cal BC). Shellfish, which include mostly
gastropods, were introduced in the diet a millennium
after fish, but were most intensely exploited during
the Final Mesolithic (ca 7000 cal BC). With abundant
marine remains and a distance to the coast that
never exceeded 4 km, less than 2 km in the
Mesolithic, Franchthi is thus an ideal site to study
the patterns of littoral exploitation and their
variations throughout the Upper Palaeolithic and the
Mesolithic. The successive introduction of the
various marine resources was not correlated to sea
level variations and the distance from the cave to
the sea. The number of remains for each category
varies importantly from phase to phase. To
compensate for differences in the duration of each
phase and frequency of occupation, I have
standardized the numbers of remains for each
category of coastal resource by the volume of
sediment. This reveals that fish, shellfish and
ornamental species were exploited independently,
with important variations in intensity of deposition
along the sequence. Except for two phases of more
intense fishing, the exploitation of edible marine
resources remained, however, rather modest.
Terrestrial resources, game and plants, appear to
have been predominant in most phases of occupation
and terrestrial gastropods largely supersede marine
gastropods in all phases from the Late Upper
Palaeolithic to the Upper Mesolithic. |
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Climate, Environment and Early Human Innovation:
Stable Isotope and Faunal Proxy Evidence from
Archaeological Sites (98-59ka) in the Southern Cape,
South Africa,
di P. Roberts et alii, July 6, 2016, doi:
http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0157408
- free access -
The Middle Stone Age (MSA)
of southern Africa, and in particular its Still Bay
and Howiesons Poort lithic traditions, represents a
period of dramatic subsistence, cultural, and
technological innovation by our species, Homo
sapiens. Climate change has frequently been
postulated as a primary driver of the appearance of
these innovative behaviours, with researchers
invoking either climate instability as a reason for
the development of buffering mechanisms, or
environmentally stable refugia as providing a stable
setting for experimentation. Testing these
alternative models has proved intractable, however,
as existing regional palaeoclimatic and
palaeoenvironmental records remain spatially,
stratigraphically, and chronologically disconnected
from the archaeological record. Here we report
high-resolution records of environmental shifts
based on stable carbon and oxygen isotopes in
ostrich eggshell (OES) fragments, faunal remains,
and shellfish assemblages excavated from two key MSA
archaeological sequences, Blombos Cave and Klipdrift
Shelter. We compare these records with
archaeological material remains in the same strata.
The results from both sites, spanning the periods
98–73 ka and 72–59 ka, respectively, show
significant changes in vegetation, aridity, rainfall
seasonality, and sea temperature in the vicinity of
the sites during periods of human occupation. While
these changes clearly influenced human subsistence
strategies, we find that the remarkable cultural and
technological innovations seen in the sites cannot
be linked directly to climate shifts. Our results
demonstrate the need for scale-appropriate, on-site
testing of behavioural-environmental links, rather
than broader, regional comparisons. (...) |
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Neandertal cannibalism and Neandertal bones used as
tools in Northern Europe,
di H. Rougier et alii, "Scientific Report"s
6, n. 29005 (2016), 06 July 2016, doi:10.1038/srep29005
- free access -
Almost 150 years after
the first identification of Neandertal skeletal
material, the cognitive and symbolic abilities of
these populations remain a subject of intense debate.
We present 99 new Neandertal remains from the
Troisième caverne of Goyet (Belgium) dated to
40,500–45,500 calBP. The remains were identified
through a multidisciplinary study that combines
morphometrics, taphonomy, stable isotopes,
radiocarbon dating and genetic analyses. The Goyet
Neandertal bones show distinctive anthropogenic
modifications, which provides clear evidence for
butchery activities as well as four bones having
been used for retouching stone tools. In addition to
being the first site to have yielded multiple
Neandertal bones used as retouchers, Goyet not only
provides the first unambiguous evidence of
Neandertal cannibalism in Northern Europe, but also
highlights considerable diversity in mortuary
behaviour among the region’s late Neandertal
population in the period immediately preceding their
disappearance. (...) |
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Neandertals' large lower
thorax may represent adaptation to high protein diet,
di M. Ben-Dor, A. Gopher, R. Barkai, "American
Journal of Physical Anthropology", Volume 160, Issue
3, pages 367–378, July 2016
Humans are limited in their capacity to convert
protein into energy. We present a hypothesis that a
“bell” shaped thorax and a wide pelvis evolved in
Neandertals, at least in part, as an adaptation to a
high protein diet. A high protein diet created a
need to house an enlarged liver and urinary system
in a wider lower trunk. To test the hypothesis, we
applied a model developed to identify points of
nutritional stress. A ratio of obligatory dietary
fat to total animal fat and protein sourced calories
is calculated based on various known and estimated
parameters. Stress is identified when the obligatory
dietary fat ratio is higher than fat content ratios
in available prey. The model predicts that during
glacial winters, when carbohydrates weren't
available, 74%−85% of Neandertals' caloric intake
would have had to come from animal fat. Large
animals contain around 50% fat calories, and their
fat content is diminished during winter, so a
significant stressful dietary fat deficit was
identified by the model. This deficit could
potentially be ameliorated by an increased
capability to convert protein into energy. Given
that high protein consumption is associated with
larger liver and kidneys in animal models, it
appears likely that the enlarged inferior section of
the Neandertals thorax and possibly, in part, also
his wide pelvis, represented an adaptation to
provide encasement for those enlarged organs.
Behavioral and evolutionary implications of the
hypothesis are also discussed. Am J Phys Anthropol
160:367–378, 2016. © 2016 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. |
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Neanderthal genomics suggests a pleistocene time
frame for the first epidemiologic transition,
di C. J. Houldcroft, S. J. Underdown, "American
Journal of Physical Anthropology", Volume 160, Issue
3, pages 379–388, July 2016
High quality Altai Neanderthal and Denisovan genomes
are revealing which regions of archaic hominin DNA
have persisted in the modern human genome. A number
of these regions are associated with response to
infection and immunity, with a suggestion that
derived Neanderthal alleles found in modern
Europeans and East Asians may be associated with
autoimmunity. As such Neanderthal genomes are an
independent line of evidence of which infectious
diseases Neanderthals were genetically adapted to.
Sympathetically, human genome adaptive introgression
is an independent line of evidence of which
infectious diseases were important for AMH coming in
to Eurasia and interacting with Neanderthals. The
Neanderthals and Denisovans present interesting
cases of hominin hunter-gatherers adapted to a
Eurasian rather than African infectious disease
package. Independent sources of DNA-based evidence
allow a re-evaluation of the first epidemiologic
transition and how infectious disease affected
Pleistocene hominins. By combining skeletal,
archaeological and genetic evidence from modern
humans and extinct Eurasian hominins, we question
whether the first epidemiologic transition in
Eurasia featured a new package of infectious
diseases or a change in the impact of existing
pathogens. Coupled with pathogen genomics, this
approach supports the view that many infectious
diseases are pre-Neolithic, and the list continues
to expand. The transfer of pathogens between hominin
populations, including the expansion of pathogens
from Africa, may also have played a role in the
extinction of the Neanderthals and offers an
important mechanism to understand hominin–hominin
interactions well back beyond the current limits for
aDNA extraction from fossils alone. Am J Phys
Anthropol 160:379–388, 2016. © 2016 Wiley
Periodicals, Inc. |
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Conarticular congruence of the
hominoid subtalar joint complex with implications
for joint function in Plio-Pleistocene hominins,
di T. C. Prang, "American Journal of Physical
Anthropology", Volume 160, Issue 3, pages 446–457,
July 2016
The
purpose of this study is to test the hypothesis that
conarticular surfaces areas and curvatures are
correlates of mobility at the hominoid talocalcaneal
and talonavicular joints. Articular surface areas
and curvatures of the talonavicular, anterior
talocalcaneal, and posterior talocalcaneal joints
were quantified using a total of 425
three-dimensional surface models of extant hominoid
and fossil hominin tali, calcanei, and naviculars.
Quadric surface fitting was used to calculate
curvatures, pairwise comparisons were used to
evaluate statistical differences between taxa, and
regression was used to test for the effects of
allometry. Pairwise comparisons show that the
distributions of values for joint curvature indices
follow the predicted arboreal-terrestrial
morphocline in hominoid primates with no effect of
body mass (PGLS p > 0.05). OH 8 (Homo habilis) and
LB 1 (Homo floresiensis) can be accommodated within
the range of human variation for the talonavicular
joint, whereas MH2 (Australopithecus sediba) falls
within the ranges of variation for Pan troglodytes
and Gorilla gorilla in measures of posterior
talocalcaneal joint congruity. Joint curvature
indices are better discriminators than joint surface
area indices, which may reflect a greater
contribution of rotation, rather than translation,
to joint movement in plantigrade taxa due to
discrepancies in conarticular congruence and the
“convex-concave” rule. The pattern of joint
congruence in Au. sediba contributes to other data
on the foot and ankle suggesting that the lateral
side of the foot was more mobile than the medial
side, which is consistent with suggestions of
increased medial weight transfer associated with
hyperpronation. Am J Phys Anthropol 160:446–457,
2016. © 2016 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. |
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The endocast of the
one-million-year-old human cranium from Buia (UA
31), Danakil Eritrea,
di E. Bruner et alii, "American Journal of
Physical Anthropology", Volume 160, Issue 3, pages
458–468, July 2016
The
Homo erectus-like cranium from Buia (UA 31) was
found in the Eritrean Danakil depression and dated
to 1 million years. Its outer morphology displays
archaic traits, as well as distinctive and derived
characters. The present study provides the
description and metric comparison of its endocranial
anatomy. UA 31 was originally filled by a diffuse
concretion. Following its removal and cleaning, the
endocast (995 cc) was reconstructed after physical
molding and digital scan. Its morphology is here
compared with specimens belonging to different human
taxa, taking into account endocranial metrics,
cortical traits, and craniovascular features. The
endocast is long and narrow when compared to the H.
erectus/ergaster hypodigm, although its proportions
are compatible with the morphology displayed by all
archaic and medium-brained human species. The
occipital areas display a pronounced bulging, the
cerebellum is located in a posterior position, and
the middle meningeal vessels are more developed in
the posterior regions. These features are common
among specimens attributed to H. erectus s.l.,
particularly the Middle Pleistocene endocasts from
Zhoukoudian. The parietal lobes are markedly bossed.
This lateral bulging is associated with the lower
parietal circumvolutions, as in other archaic
specimens. This pronounced parietal curvature is
apparently due to a narrow cranial base, more than
to wider parietal areas. The endocast of UA 31 shows
a general plesiomorphic phenotype, with some
individual features (e.g., dolichocephaly and
rounded lower parietal areas) which confirm a
remarkable degree of morphological variability
within the H. erectus/ergaster hypodigm. Am J Phys
Anthropol 160:458–468, 2016. © 2016 Wiley
Periodicals, Inc. |
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Climate-mediated shifts in
Neandertal subsistence behaviors at Pech de l'Azé IV
and Roc de Marsal (Dordogne Valley, France),
di J. Hodgkins, C. W. Marean, A. Turq, D. Sandgathe,
S. J.P. McPherron, H. Dibble, "Journal of Human
Evolution", Volume 96, July 2016, Pages 1–18
Neandertals disappeared from Europe just after
40,000 years ago. Some hypotheses ascribe this to
numerous population crashes associated with glacial
cycles in the late Pleistocene. The goal of this
paper is to test the hypothesis that glacial periods
stressed Neandertal populations. If cold climates
stressed Neandertals, their subsistence behaviors
may have changed—requiring intensified use of prey
through more extensive nutrient extraction from
faunal carcasses. To test this, an analysis of
Neandertal butchering was conducted on medium sized
bovid/cervid remains composed of predominately red
deer (Cervus elaphus), reindeer (Rangifer tarandus),
and roe deer (Capreolus caprelous) deposited during
global warm and cold phases from two French sites:
Pech de l'Azé IV (Pech IV, Bordes' excavation) and
Roc de Marsal (RDM). Analysis of surface
modification on high survival long bones and
proximal and middle phalanges demonstrates that
skeletal elements excavated from the cold levels (RDM
Level 4, Pech IV Level I2) at each cave have more
cut marks and percussion marks than elements from
the warm levels (RDM Level 9, Pech IV Level Y-Z)
after controlling for fragment size. At both sites,
epiphyseal fragments are rare, and although this
pattern can result from carnivore consumption,
carnivore tooth marks are almost nonexistent
(<0.1%). Alternatively, processing epiphyseal ends
for bone grease may have been a Neandertal survival
strategy, and epiphyses were more intensively
percussed in cold levels than in warm levels at both
RDM and Pech IV. The exploitation of low marrow
yield elements such as phalanges does not show a
consistent pattern relating to climate, but may have
been a general Neandertal behavioral characteristic,
suggesting that these hominids were regularly on the
edge of sufficient nutrient availability even during
interglacials. Overall, the faunal assemblages from
Roc de Marsal and Pech IV provide some support for
the hypothesis that Neandertals were processing
faunal remains more heavily during glacial periods,
suggesting a response to increased nutritional
stress during colder time periods. |
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Going
the distance: Mapping mobility in the Kalahari
Desert during the Middle Stone Age through
multi-site geochemical provenancing of silcrete
artefacts, di
D. J. Nash, S. Coulson, S. Staurset, J. S. Ullyott,
M. Babutsi, M. P. Smith, "Journal of Human Evolution",
Volume 96, July 2016, Pages 113–133
This study utilises geochemical provenancing of
silcrete raw materials, in combination with chaîne
opératoire analyses, to explore lithic procurement
and behavioural patterns in the northern Kalahari
Desert during the Middle Stone Age (MSA). New data
from the sites of Rhino Cave, Corner Cave, and ≠Gi
in northwest Botswana, combined with earlier results
from White Paintings Shelter, reveal that the long
distance transport of silcrete for stone tool
manufacture was a repeated and extensively used
behaviour in this region. Silcrete was imported over
distances of up to 295 km to all four sites, from
locations along the Boteti River and around Lake
Ngami. Significantly, closer known sources of
silcrete of equivalent quality were largely bypassed.
Silcrete artefacts were transported at various
stages of production (as partially and fully
prepared cores, blanks, and finished tools) and,
with the exception of ≠Gi, in large volumes. The
import occurred despite the abundance of locally
available raw materials, which were also used to
manufacture the same tool types. On the basis of
regional palaeoenvironmental data, the timing of the
majority of silcrete import from the Boteti River
and Lake Ngami is constrained to regionally drier
periods of the MSA. The results of our investigation
challenge key assumptions underlying predictive
models of human mobility that use distance–decay
curves and drop-off rates. Middle Stone Age peoples
in the Kalahari appear to have been more mobile than
anticipated, and repeatedly made costly choices with
regard to both raw material selection and items to
be transported. We conclude that (i) base transport
cost has been overemphasised as a restrictive factor
in predictive models, and (ii) factors such as
source availability and preference, raw material
quality, and potential sociocultural influences
significantly shaped prehistoric landscape use
choices. |
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Scoperte in Eritrea impronte fossili di Homo erectus,
16 giugno 2016
Paleoantropologi della
Sapienza Università di Roma hanno scoperto nel sito
di Aalad-Amo, in Eritrea orientale, i resti fossili
di sedimenti che 800.000 anni fa furono attraversati
da alcuni Homo erectus. Si tratta di una
testimonianza cruciale per ricostruire l'anatomia
del piede e il tipo di deambulazione di questa
specie, che costituisce una tappa fondamentale
dell'evoluzione umana. (...) |
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Journal of Anthropological Sciences,
volume 94 (2016) - free
access -
- The place of Homo
floresiensis in human evolution,
di K. Baab
- Early hominin diversity and the emergence of genus
Homo, di W.
Harcourt Smith
- Oldowan hominin behavior and ecology at Kanjera
South, Kenya,
di T. Plummer, L. C. Bishop
- Filling the gap. Human cranial remains from
Gombore II (Melka Kunture, Ethiopia; ca. 850 ka) and
the origin of Homo heidelbergensis,
di A. Profico, F. Di Vincenzo, L. Gagliardi, M.
Piperno, G. Manzi
- What constitutes Homo sapiens? Morphology versus
received wisdom,
di J. H. Schwartz
- Visuospatial
integration and human evolution: the fossil evidence,
di E. Bruner, M. Lozano, C. Lorenzo
- Evolution of
brain and culture: the neurological and cognitive
journey from Australopithecus to Albert Einstein,
di D. Falk
- The false
dichotomy: a refutation of the Neandertal
indistinguishability claim,
di T. Wynn, K. A. Overmann, F. L. Coolidge
- New Evaluation of
the Castel di Guido ‘Hyoid’,
di L. Capasso, R. D’Anastasio, L. Mancini, C. Tuniz,
D. W. Frayer |
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Paleo. Revue d'archéologie
préhistorique,
26-2015
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Le « type 2a », plus ancien modèle de propulseur
paléolithique : une nouvelle pièce dans le
Magdalénien moyen d’Isturitz (Pyrénées-Atlantiques,
France) et ses implications,
di P. Cattelain, J. M. Pétillon
-
Le Laborien récent de la grotte-abri de Peyrazet (Creysse,
Lot, France). Nouvelles données pour la fin du
Tardiglaciaire en Quercy,
di M. Langlais et alii
-
Nouveaux restes humains provenant du gisement de
Regourdou (Montignac-sur-Vézère, Dordogne, France),
di B. Maureille et alii
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Importance des données de terrain pour la
compréhension d’un potentiel dépôt funéraire
moustérien : le cas du squelette de Regourdou 1 (Montignac-sur-Vézère,
Dordogne, France),
di B. Maureille et
alii
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Lièvre et lapin à Regourdou (Montignac-sur-Vézère,
Dordogne, France) : études paléontologique et
taphonomique de deux accumulations osseuses
d’origine naturelle,
di M. Pelletier, A. Royer, T. Holliday, B. Maureille
Du
nouveau aux Combarelles I (Les Eyzies-de-Tayac,
Dordogne, France),
di E. Man-Estier, E. Deneuve, P. Paillet, L. Loiseau,
C. Cretin
-
Nouvelles découvertes d’art mobilier dans le
Magdalénien de Bourrouilla (Arancou,
Pyrénées-Atlantiques, France),
di F. Plassard, L. Aurière, F. X. Chauvière, C.
Fritz, M. Dachary |
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Home-range size in
large-bodied carnivores as a model for predicting
neandertal territory size,
di S. Emilio Churchill, C. Scott Walker, A. Michael
Schwartz, "Evolutionary Anthropology",Volume 25,
Issue 3, pages 117–123, May/June 2016
Adult human foragers expend roughly 30–60 kcal per
km in unburdened walking at optimal speeds.1,2 In
the context of foraging rounds and residential moves,
they may routinely travel distances of 50–70 km per
week, often while carrying loads.3 Movement on the
landscape, then, is arguably the single most
expensive item in the activity budgets of
hunter-gatherers. Mobility costs may have been
greater still for Neandertals. They had stocky,
short-limbed physiques that were energetically
costly to move4 and lived in relatively unproductive
Pleistocene environments5 that may have required
greater movement to deal with problems of
biodepletion and resource patchiness.6 But just how
mobile were the Neandertals? |
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Time and space in the middle
paleolithic: Spatial structure and occupation
dynamics of seven open-air sites,
di A. E. Clark, "Evolutionary Anthropology", Volume
25, Issue 3, pages 153–163, May/June 2016
The
spatial structure of archeological sites can help
reconstruct the settlement dynamics of
hunter-gatherers by providing information on the
number and length of occupations. This study seeks
to access this information through a comparison of
seven sites. These sites are open-air and were all
excavated over large spatial areas, up to 2,000 m2,
and are therefore ideal for spatial analysis, which
was done using two complementary methods, lithic
refitting and density zones. Both methods were
assessed statistically using confidence intervals.
The statistically significant results from each site
were then compiled to evaluate trends that occur
across the seven sites. These results were used to
assess the “spatial consistency” of each assemblage
and, through that, the number and duration of
occupations. This study demonstrates that spatial
analysis can be a powerful tool in research on
occupation dynamics and can help disentangle the
many occupations that often make up an archeological
assemblage. |
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Hunter-gatherer mobility and embedded raw-material
procurement strategies in the mediterranean upper
paleolithic, di
A. Tomasso, G. Porraz, "Evolutionary Anthropology",
Volume 25, Issue 3, pages 164–174, May/June 2016
Since the early 1980s, the sourcing of lithic raw
materials has become central to studies of the
territorial range and mobility strategies of
Pleistocene foraging societies. Results have been
fruitful but somehow repetitive. We will discuss the
embedded procurement strategy, which presumes that
raw material acquisition was part of other
subsistence activities rather than an autonomous
technological task. We argue that this theoretical
assumption, when taken as dogma, restricts the role
of technology in human history and also
underestimates the way some lithic resources may
have affected the organization of past
hunter-gatherers. We base our discussion on the
Upper Paleolithic (UP) from the Liguro-Provençal arc,
with examples from the Proto-Aurignacian and the
Epigravettian. Our regional record shows that in
this context the movement of rocks over distances
greater than 100 km was the norm rather than the
exception. We argue that these long-distance
procurements mirror technical needs that were
oriented toward the selection of high-quality flints.
We support the hypothesis that indirect procurement
was an important component of regional
socio-economic networks. |
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On the ecological context of
the earliest human settlements in Europe: Resource
availability and competition intensity in the
carnivore guild of Barranco León-D and Fuente
Nueva-3 (Orce, Baza Basin, SE Spain),
di G. Rodríguez-Gómez et alii, "Quaternary
Science Reviews", Volume 143, 1 July 2016, Pages
69–83
With an age of ~1.4 Ma, the Early Pleistocene
archaeopaleontological sites of Barranco León and
Fuente Nueva-3 (Orce, Baza Basin, SE Spain) provide
the oldest evidence on human presence in Western
Europe, including the finding of a deciduous tooth
of Homo sp., huge lithic assemblages of Oldowan
tradition and abundant cut-marks on large mammal
bones. Here we use a mathematical approach based on
Leslie matrices to quantify for the large mammal
species preserved at the sites the biomass of
primary consumers available, the distribution of
meat resources among the secondary consumers and the
competition intensity within the carnivore guild.
The results obtained show a community of large
mammals with a high diversity of secondary consumers
that would satisfy slightly less than half of their
dietary requirements under optimal ecological
conditions. In the case of Homo sp., and considering
that flesh resources were obtained through the
scavenging of ungulate carcasses, the model
indicates that the ecosystems of the basin could
hold 10–14 individuals per 100 km2 during a year, a
value that is close to the mean population density
of recent hunter-gatherers. These density estimates
decrease slightly when a mixed hunting-scavenging
strategy is considered and even more in the case of
a strict hunting behavior. In addition, the value of
the species competition index obtained for Homo sp.
is among the lowest of the carnivore guild. These
results suggest that the hominin populations that
inhabited Southeast Spain during the Early
Pleistocene behaved more as opportunistic scavengers
than as active predators. |
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The Lithic Issues of the Gravettian,
edited by G. Lengyel, J. Wilczyński, "Quaternary
International", Volume 406, Part A, Pages 1-194 (25
June 2016)
- The Lithic Issues
of the Gravettian,
di G. Lengyel, J. Wilczyński
- Lithic
technological adaptation within the Gravettian of
the Iberian Atlantic region: Results from two case
studies, di M.
Bradtmöller, J. Marreiros, T. Pereira, N. Bicho
- Lithic cultural
variability during the Gravettian in the Cantabrian
Region and the western Pyrenees: State of the art,
di A. Calvo, M. Bradtmöller, L. Martínez, Á.
Arrizabalaga
- Open-air
Gravettian lithic assemblages from Northeast
Portugal: The Foz do Medal site (Sabor valley),
di R. Gaspar, J. Ferreira, J. Carrondo, M. João
Silva, F. J. García-Vadillo
- Technical
diversity within the tanged-tool Gravettian: New
results from Belgium,
di O. Touzé, D. Flas, D. Pesesse
- Did prehistoric
foragers behave in an economically irrational manner?
Raw material availability and technological
organisation at the early Gravettian site of
Willendorf II (Austria),
di L. Moreau, M. Brandl, P. R. Nigst
- Pavlov I: A large
Gravettian site in space and time,
di J. Svoboda, M. Novák, S. Sázelová, J. Demek
- The Gravettian
lithic industry at Krems-Wachtberg (Austria),
di R. Thomas, M. Brandl, U. Simon
- Gravettian
lithics assemblages from Lubná (Bohemia),
di P. Šída
- Variability of
Late Gravettian lithic industries in southern Poland:
A case study of the Kraków Spadzista and Jaksice II
sites, di J.
Wilczyński
- Gravettian and
Epigravettian lithics in Slovakia,
di L. Kaminská
- Long thin blade
production and Late Gravettian hunter-gatherer
mobility in Eastern Central Europe,
di G. Lengyel, W. Chu
- The Late
Gravettian and Szeleta Cave, northeast Hungary,
di G. Lengyel, Z. Mester, P. Szolyák
- Mohelno – A
terminal Last Glacial Maximum industry with
microlithic tools made on carenoidal blanks,
di P. Škrdla et alii |
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Not the brain alone: The
nutritional potential of elephant heads in
Paleolithic sites,
di A. Agam, R. Barkai, "Quaternary International",
Volume 406, Part B, 25 June 2016, Pages 218–226
The
presence of elephants, and specifically of elephant
head remains, is well demonstrated in many
Paleolithic sites in Europe, Africa, and Asia.
However, the possible mechanisms for the
exploitation of this enormous body part are rarely
discussed, and it is often suggested that elephants'
heads were exploited specifically for the extraction
and consumption of the brain. In this paper, we
discuss the nutritional potential that lies within
elephants' heads as implied by ethnographic and
zoological literature, and present archaeological
evidence from Paleolithic sites for the exploitation
of proboscideans' heads. The data show that the
prevailing view should be re-evaluated, and that the
nutritional potential within the elephant's head
extends far beyond the brain. We suggest that organs
such as the temporal gland, the trunk, the tongue,
the mandible and the skull itself were exploited
routinely as an integral part of early humans' diet.
The nutritional potential of the elephant head
provides a parsimonious explanation for the
investment early humans put into transporting and
exploiting this specific body part at open-air sites
but particularly at cave sites, and serves as a
significant beacon in understanding Paleolithic
human behavior in relation to proboscidean remains. |
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The use of elephant bones for
making Acheulian handaxes: A fresh look at old bones,
di K. Zutovski, R. Barkai, "Quaternary
International", Volume 406, Part B, 25 June 2016,
Pages 227–238
In
this study, we examine Lower Paleolithic
archaeological assemblages that contain bifaces (handaxes)
made of elephant bones from Africa, Europe, and the
Levant. The aims of this paper are to summarize the
available evidence of elephant bone tools
manufacturing in the Acheulian, and to analyze
patterns of elephant bone tool industry compared to
stone tool industries and other taxa bone industries.
We will focus on the association between stone and
elephant bone bifaces at several Acheulian sites,
and will present a new perspective on the
connections between bifaces made of the two
materials at these sites. Based on the long-term
interaction between humans and elephants in
Paleolithic times, the human dependence on elephant
meat and fat for survival, and many lines of
resemblance between elephants and humans, we propose
that Lower Paleolithic elephant bone bifaces were
not manufactured solely for functional purposes, and
suggest that there were some cosmological, cultural
and symbolic properties reflected in the production
of Acheulian bifaces from elephant bones. |
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The genetic history of Ice Age
Europe,
di Q. Fu et alii, Nature 534, 200–205 (09
June 2016)
Modern humans arrived in Europe ~45,000 years ago,
but little is known about their genetic composition
before the start of farming ~8,500 years ago. Here
we analyse genome-wide data from 51 Eurasians from
~45,000–7,000 years ago. Over this time, the
proportion of Neanderthal DNA decreased from 3–6% to
around 2%, consistent with natural selection against
Neanderthal variants in modern humans. Whereas there
is no evidence of the earliest modern humans in
Europe contributing to the genetic composition of
present-day Europeans, all individuals between
~37,000 and ~14,000 years ago descended from a
single founder population which forms part of the
ancestry of present-day Europeans. An
~35,000-year-old individual from northwest Europe
represents an early branch of this founder
population which was then displaced across a broad
region, before reappearing in southwest Europe at
the height of the last Ice Age ~19,000 years ago.
During the major warming period after ~14,000 years
ago, a genetic component related to present-day Near
Easterners became widespread in Europe. These
results document how population turnover and
migration have been recurring themes of European
prehistory. |
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Homo floresiensis-like fossils
from the early Middle Pleistocene of Flores,
di G. D. van den Bergh et alii, Nature 534,
245–248 (09 June 2016)
The
evolutionary origin of Homo floresiensis, a
diminutive hominin species previously known only by
skeletal remains from Liang Bua in western Flores,
Indonesia, has been intensively debated. It is a
matter of controversy whether this primitive form,
dated to the Late Pleistocene, evolved from early
Asian Homo erectus and represents a unique and
striking case of evolutionary reversal in hominin
body and brain size within an insular environment1,
2, 3, 4. The alternative hypothesis is that H.
floresiensis derived from an older, smaller-brained
member of our genus, such as Homo habilis, or
perhaps even late Australopithecus, signalling a
hitherto undocumented dispersal of hominins from
Africa into eastern Asia by two million years ago
(2 Ma)5, 6. Here we describe hominin fossils
excavated in 2014 from an early Middle Pleistocene
site (Mata Menge) in the So’a Basin of central
Flores. These specimens comprise a mandible fragment
and six isolated teeth belonging to at least three
small-jawed and small-toothed individuals. Dating to
~0.7 Ma, these fossils now constitute the oldest
hominin remains from Flores7. The Mata Menge
mandible and teeth are similar in dimensions and
morphological characteristics to those of H.
floresiensis from Liang Bua. The exception is the
mandibular first molar, which retains a more
primitive condition. Notably, the Mata Menge
mandible and molar are even smaller in size than
those of the two existing H. floresiensis
individuals from Liang Bua. The Mata Menge fossils
are derived compared with Australopithecus and H.
habilis, and so tend to support the view that H.
floresiensis is a dwarfed descendent of early Asian
H. erectus. Our findings suggest that hominins on
Flores had acquired extremely small body size and
other morphological traits specific to H.
floresiensis at an unexpectedly early time.
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Age and context of the oldest
known hominin fossils from Flores,
di A. Brumm et alii, Nature 534, 249–253 (09
June 2016)
Recent excavations at the early Middle Pleistocene
site of Mata Menge in the So’a Basin of central
Flores, Indonesia, have yielded hominin fossils1
attributed to a population ancestral to Late
Pleistocene Homo floresiensis2. Here we describe the
age and context of the Mata Menge hominin specimens
and associated archaeological findings. The fluvial
sandstone layer from which the in situ fossils were
excavated in 2014 was deposited in a small valley
stream around 700 thousand years ago, as indicated
by 40Ar/39Ar and fission track dates on
stratigraphically bracketing volcanic ash and
pyroclastic density current deposits, in combination
with coupled uranium-series and electron spin
resonance dating of fossil teeth.
Palaeoenvironmental data indicate a relatively dry
climate in the So’a Basin during the early Middle
Pleistocene, while various lines of evidence suggest
the hominins inhabited a savannah-like open
grassland habitat with a wetland component. The
hominin fossils occur alongside the remains of an
insular fauna and a simple stone technology that is
markedly similar to that associated with Late
Pleistocene H. floresiensis. |
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Ha 700.000 anni l'antenato dell'Hobbit di Flores,
08 giugno 2016
L'Isola di Flores, in
Indonesia, era abitata già un milione di anni fa da
piccoli ominidi, lontani antenati di Homo
floresiensis, il minuscolo "hobbit" scoperto nel
2003. Nuove analisi dei resti di tre individui
ritrovati nel sito di Mata Menge ne hanno infatti
stabilito l'età a 700.000 anni fa, mentre i reperti
litici documentano una presenza sull'isola di altri
ominidi precedente di circa 300.000 anni. La specie,
ancora non ben identificata dal punto di vista
tassonomico, si sarebbe evoluta da una popolazione
di Homo erectus. (...)
·
Hobbit’ relatives found after ten-year hunt, di E.
Callaway, "Nature-news", 08 June 2016
·
Tiny jaw reveals dawn of the hobbit, di E. Culotta,
"Science-news", Jun. 8, 2016
·
Fossils Hint at Long-Sought Ancestor of Weirdest
Human Species, di K. Wong, "Scientific American",
June 9, 2016 |
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A Critical Evaluation of the Down Syndrome Diagnosis
for LB1, Type Specimen of Homo floresiensis,
di K. L. Baab et alii, June 8, 2016
- free access -
The Liang Bua hominins
from Flores, Indonesia, have been the subject of
intense scrutiny and debate since their initial
description and classification in 2004. These
remains have been assigned to a new species, Homo
floresiensis, with the partial skeleton LB1 as the
type specimen. The Liang Bua hominins are notable
for their short stature, small endocranial volume,
and many features that appear phylogenetically
primitive relative to modern humans, despite their
late Pleistocene age. Recently, some workers
suggested that the remains represent members of a
small-bodied island population of modern
Austro-Melanesian humans, with LB1 exhibiting
clinical signs of Down syndrome. Many classic Down
syndrome signs are soft tissue features that could
not be assessed in skeletal remains. Moreover, a
definitive diagnosis of Down syndrome can only be
made by genetic analysis as the phenotypes
associated with Down syndrome are variable. Most
features that contribute to the Down syndrome
phenotype are not restricted to Down syndrome but
are seen in other chromosomal disorders and in the
general population. Nevertheless, we re-evaluated
the presence of those phenotypic features used to
support this classification by comparing LB1 to
samples of modern humans diagnosed with Down
syndrome and euploid modern humans using comparative
morphometric analyses. We present new data regarding
neurocranial, brain, and symphyseal shape in Down
syndrome, additional estimates of stature for LB1,
and analyses of inter- and intralimb proportions.
The presence of cranial sinuses is addressed using
CT images of LB1. We found minimal congruence
between the LB1 phenotype and clinical descriptions
of Down syndrome. We present important differences
between the phenotypes of LB1 and individuals with
Down syndrome, and quantitative data that
characterize LB1 as an outlier compared with Down
syndrome and non-Down syndrome groups. Homo
floresiensis remains a phenotypically unique, valid
species with its roots in Plio-Pleistocene Homo taxa.
(...) |
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Late
Pleistocene/Early Holocene Migratory Behavior of
Ungulates Using Isotopic Analysis of Tooth Enamel
and Its Effects on Forager Mobility,
di S. E. Pilaar Birch, P. T. Miracle, R. E. Stevens,
T. C. O’Connell, June 8, 2016,
http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0155714
- free access -
Zooarchaeological and
paleoecological investigations have traditionally
been unable to reconstruct the ethology of herd
animals, which likely had a significant influence on
the mobility and subsistence strategies of
prehistoric humans. In this paper, we reconstruct
the migratory behavior of red deer (Cervus elaphus)
and caprids at the Pleistocene-Holocene transition
in the northeastern Adriatic region using stable
oxygen isotope analysis of tooth enamel. The data
show a significant change in δ18O values from the
Pleistocene into the Holocene, as well as isotopic
variation between taxa, the case study sites, and
through time. We then discuss the implications of
seasonal faunal availability as determining factors
in human mobility patterns. (...) |
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Neonatal postcrania from
Mezmaiskaya, Russia, and Le Moustier, France, and
the development of Neandertal body form,
di Timothy D. Weaver et alii, "Proceedings of the
National Academy of Sciences", June 7, 2016, vol.
113, no. 23, pp. 6472–6477
Neandertal and modern human adults differ in
skeletal features of the cranium and postcranium,
and it is clear that many of the cranial differences—although
not all of them—are already present at the time of
birth. We know less, however, about the
developmental origins of the postcranial differences.
Here, we address this deficiency with morphometric
analyses of the postcrania of the two most complete
Neandertal neonates—Mezmaiskaya 1 (from Russia) and
Le Moustier 2 (from France)—and a recent human
sample. We find that neonatal Neandertals already
appear to possess the wide body, long pubis, and
robust long bones of adult Neandertals. Taken
together, current evidence indicates that skeletal
differences between Neandertals and modern humans
are largely established by the time of birth. |
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The Pliocene hominin diversity
conundrum: Do more fossils mean less clarity?,
di Y. Haile-Selassie, S. M. Melillo, D. F. Su, "Proceedings of the
National Academy of Sciences", June 7, 2016, vol.
113, no. 23, pp. 6364–6371
- free access -
Recent discoveries of multiple middle Pliocene
hominins have raised the possibility that early
hominins were as speciose as later hominins. However,
debates continue to arise around the validity of
most of these new taxa, largely based on poor
preservation of holotype specimens, small sample
size, or the lack of evidence for ecological
diversity. A closer look at the currently available
fossil evidence from Ethiopia, Kenya, and Chad
indicate that Australopithecus afarensis was not the
only hominin species during the middle Pliocene, and
that there were other species clearly
distinguishable from it by their locomotor
adaptation and diet. Although there is no doubt that
the presence of multiple species during the middle
Pliocene opens new windows into our evolutionary
past, it also complicates our understanding of early
hominin taxonomy and phylogenetic relationships.
(...) |
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Neandertals revised,
di W. Roebroeks, M. Soressi, "Proceedings of the
National Academy of Sciences", June 7, 2016, vol.
113, no. 23, pp. 6372–6379
- free access -
The
last decade has seen a significant growth of our
knowledge of the Neandertals, a population of
Pleistocene hunter-gatherers who lived in (western)
Eurasia between ~400,000 and 40,000 y ago. Starting
from a source population deep in the Middle
Pleistocene, the hundreds of thousands of years of
relative separation between African and Eurasian
groups led to the emergence of different phenotypes
in Late Pleistocene Europe and Africa. Both recently
obtained genetic evidence and archeological data
show that the biological and cultural gaps between
these populations were probably smaller than
previously thought. These data, reviewed here,
falsify inferences to the effect that, compared with
their near-modern contemporaries in Africa,
Neandertals were outliers in terms of behavioral
complexity. It is only around 40,000 y ago, tens of
thousands of years after anatomically modern humans
first left Africa and thousands of years after
documented interbreeding between modern humans,
Neandertals and Denisovans, that we see major
changes in the archeological record, from western
Eurasia to Southeast Asia, e.g., the emergence of
representational imagery and the colonization of
arctic areas and of greater Australia (Sahul).
(...) |
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Ancient DNA and human history,
di M. Slatkin, F. Racimo, "Proceedings of the
National Academy of Sciences", June 7, 2016, vol.
113, no. 23, pp. 6380–6387
- free access -
We review studies of genomic data obtained by
sequencing hominin fossils with particular emphasis
on the unique information that ancient DNA (aDNA)
can provide about the demographic history of humans
and our closest relatives. We concentrate on nuclear
genomic sequences that have been published in the
past few years. In many cases, particularly in the
Arctic, the Americas, and Europe, aDNA has revealed
historical demographic patterns in a way that could
not be resolved by analyzing present-day genomes
alone. Ancient DNA from archaic hominins has
revealed a rich history of admixture between early
modern humans, Neanderthals, and Denisovans, and has
allowed us to disentangle complex selective
processes. Information from aDNA studies is nowhere
near saturation, and we believe that future aDNA
sequences will continue to change our understanding
of hominin history. (...) |
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Neogene biomarker record of vegetation change in
eastern Africa,
di K. T. Uno, P. J. Polissar, K. E. Jackson, P. B.
deMenocal, "Proceedings of the
National Academy of Sciences", June 7, 2016, vol.
113, no. 23, pp. 6355–6363
- free access -
The
evolution of C4 grassland ecosystems in eastern
Africa has been intensely studied because of the
potential influence of vegetation on mammalian
evolution, including that of our own lineage,
hominins. Although a handful of sparse vegetation
records exists from middle and early Miocene
terrestrial fossil sites, there is no comprehensive
record of vegetation through the Neogene. Here we
present a vegetation record spanning the Neogene and
Quaternary Periods that documents the appearance and
subsequent expansion of C4 grasslands in eastern
Africa. Carbon isotope ratios from terrestrial plant
wax biomarkers deposited in marine sediments
indicate constant C3 vegetation from ∼24 Ma to 10
Ma, when C4 grasses first appeared. From this time
forward, C4 vegetation increases monotonically to
present, with a coherent signal between marine core
sites located in the Somali Basin and the Red Sea.
The response of mammalian herbivores to the
appearance of C4 grasses at 10 Ma is immediate, as
evidenced from existing records of mammalian diets
from isotopic analyses of tooth enamel. The
expansion of C4 vegetation in eastern Africa is
broadly mirrored by increasing proportions of
C4-based foods in hominin diets, beginning at 3.8 Ma
in Australopithecus and, slightly later,
Kenyanthropus. This continues into the late
Pleistocene in Paranthropus, whereas Homo maintains
a flexible diet. The biomarker vegetation record
suggests the increase in open, C4 grassland
ecosystems over the last 10 Ma may have operated as
a selection pressure for traits and behaviors in
Homo such as bipedalism, flexible diets, and complex
social structure. (...) |
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Inbred Neanderthals left humans a genetic burden,
6-JUN-2016
The Neanderthal genome included harmful mutations
that made the hominids around 40% less
reproductively fit than modern humans, according to
estimates published in the latest issue of the
journal GENETICS. Non-African humans inherited some
of this genetic burden when they interbred with
Neanderthals, though much of it has been lost over
time. The results suggest that these harmful gene
variants continue to reduce the fitness of some
populations today. The study also has implications
for management of endangered species. "Neanderthals
are fascinating to geneticists because they provide
an opportunity to study what happens when two groups
of humans evolve independently for a long time--and
then come back together," says study leader Kelley
Harris, of Stanford University. "Our results suggest
that inheriting Neanderthal DNA came at a cost."
Previous studies of DNA extracted from Neanderthal
remains revealed that these Eurasian hominids were
much more inbred and less genetically diverse than
modern humans. For thousands of years, the
Neanderthal population size remained small, and
mating among close relatives seems to have been
common. (...) |
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The African Quaternary: environments, ecology and
humans Inaugural AFQUA conference,
edited by B. Chase, K. Kirsten, L. Quick, "Quaternary
International", Volume 404, Part B, Pages 1-214 (6
June 2016)
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Special Section on Innovation in the production and
use of equipment in hard animal materials: Origins
and consequences in prehistoric societies, from the
Palaeolithic to the Mesolithic,
edited by: A. Averbouh, J. M. Tejero, N. Goutas, M.
Christensen, "Quaternary International", Volume 403,
Pages 1-250 (1 June 2016)
- Processing
technology for the objects of mobile art in the
Upper Paleolithic of Siberia (the Malta site),
di L. Lbova, P. Volkov
- Bone and antler
working at Grotta Paglicci (Rignano Garganico,
Foggia, southern Italy),
di V. Borgia, F. Boschin, A. Ronchitelli
- F-content
variation in mammoth ivory from Aurignacian contexts:
Preservation, alteration, and implications for
ivory-procurement strategies,
di C. Heckel, K. Müller, R. White, S. Wolf, N.J.
Conard, C. Normand, H. Floss, I. Reiche
- The incised bone
points from the Early Aurignacian of Potočka zijalka
(Slovenia), hafting system or ornament?
di C. Jéquier
- Rod debitage by
extraction: An overview of different cases
identified for the Upper Palaeolithic and the
Mesolithic in Europe, di Aline Averbouh,
di N. Goutas, B. Marquebielle
- Of horse
metapodials debitage during the Upper Magdalenian in
Europe: An overview of techniques, methods and
operational sequences,
di O. Bignon-Lau, M. Lázničková-Galetová
- Osseous
technology as a reflection of chronological,
economic and sociological aspects of Palaeolithic
hunter-gatherers: Examples from key Aurignacian and
Gravettian sites in South-West Europe,
di N. Goutas, J. M. Tejero
- The osseous
industry from Manot Cave (Western Galilee, Israel):
Technical and conceptual behaviours of bone and
antler exploitation in the Levantine Aurignacian,
di J. M. Tejero, R. Yeshurun, O. Barzilai, M.
Goder-Goldberger, I. Hershkovitz, R. Lavi, N.
Schneller-Pels, O. Marder
- A newly
discovered antler flint-knapping hammer and the
question of their rarity in the Palaeolithic
archaeological record: Reality or bias?,
di S. M. Bello, G. Delbarre, I. De Groote, S. A.
Parfitt
- Debitage by
fracturing in the osseous industry of Cova del
Parpalló (Gandía-Valencia, Spain): A preliminary
study, di M.
Borao Álvarez, V. Villaverde Bonilla, J. E. A.
Tortosa |
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Comparative analysis of dentognathic pathologies in
the Dmanisi mandibles,
di A. Margvelashvili et alii, "American
Journal of Physical Anthropology", Volume 160, Issue
2, pages 229–253, June 2016
Due to the scarcity of
the fossil record, in vivo changes in the
dentognathic system of early Homo are typically
documented at the level of individual fossil
specimens, and it remains difficult to draw
population-level inferences about dietary habits,
diet-related activities and lifestyle from
individual patterns of dentognathic alterations. The
Plio-Pleistocene hominin sample from Dmanisi
(Georgia), dated to 1.77 million years ago, offers a
unique opportunity to study in vivo changes in the
dentognathic system of individuals belonging to a
single paleodeme of early Homo.
We analyze dentognathic pathologies in the Dmanisi
sample, and in comparative samples of modern
Australian and Greenlander hunter-gatherer
populations, applying clinical protocols of
dentognathic diagnostics.
The Dmanisi hominins exhibit a similarly wide
diversity and similar incidence of dentognathic
pathologies as the modern human hunter-gatherer
population samples investigated here. Dmanisi
differs from the modern population samples in
several respects: At young age tooth wear is already
advanced, and pathologies are more prevalent. At old
age, hypercementosis is substantial.
Results indicate that dentognathic pathologies and
disease trajectories are largely similar in early
Homo and modern humans, but that the disease load
was higher in early Homo, probably as an effect of
higher overall stress on the dentognathic system. Am
J Phys Anthropol 160:229–253, 2016. © 2016 Wiley
Periodicals, Inc. |
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Expanding the geography of the Middle to Upper
Palaeolithic transition: Foradada Cave (Calafell,
Spain), a new site on the Iberian Mediterranean
coastline,
di J. I. Morales et alii, "Antiquity Project
Gallery", Issue 351, June 2016
The accidental
discovery of the remains of a third-millennium BC
collective burial in the cave led to the launch of
an archaeological project in 1997. To date, 12
non-consecutive field seasons have been carried out
within the main chamber of the system: a small space
of 10–12m2. During this time, including the most
recent 2015 field season, a complex 3m-thick
stratigraphy has been uncovered. This sequence
displays a succession of evidence for human use of
the cave for funerary practices during the third
millennium and Early Neolithic (layers IA and IB),
and a succession of very brief human activities
during the Late Magdalenian (layer II) and between,
at least, Heinrich events three and four. The
earliest evidence of human frequentation has been
documented in the litho-stratigraphic layers III-n,
III and IV (top to base). Layer III-n has been only
partially preserved in a small sector of the cave
with excavations of about 2m2. A perforated and
ochred shell of Homalopoma sanguineum provides a
first approximation of the layer chronology to 30–31
kyr cal BP. (...) |
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The Middle Palaeolithic/Middle
Stone Age site of Al Jamrab in central Sudan,
di A. Zerboni, D. Usai, M. Meyer, "Antiquity
Project Gallery", Issue 351, June 2016
Sudan represents a key region for the investigation
of important issues related to human evolution,
including the dispersal of Homo out of Africa (e.g.
Van Peer 1998). Few investigations in this country,
however, have focused specifically on the
Palaeolithic period (although see McDermott et al.
1996; Van Peer et al. 2003; Rose 2004; Abbate et al.
2010). In central Sudan, the Palaeolithic record is
restricted mainly to surface evidence (Salvatori et
al. 2014; Carlson 2015), but a preliminary
exploration at Al Jamrab has revealed an in situ
stratified Middle Palaeolithic site (Figure 1). The
site has yielded handaxes associated with single or
opposed platform core exploitation technology, as
well as rare evidence of Levallois elements.
(...) |
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Combustion at the late Early Pleistocene site of
Cueva Negra del Estrecho del Río Quípar (Murcia,
Spain),
di M.J. Walker et alii, "Antiquity", Volume
90, Issue 351, June 2016, pp 571-589
Control of fire was a
hallmark of developing human cognition and an
essential technology for the colonisation of cooler
latitudes. In Europe, the earliest evidence comes
from recent work at the site of Cueva Negra del
Estrecho del Río Quípar in south-eastern Spain.
Charred and calcined bone and thermally altered
chert were recovered from a deep,
0.8-million-year-old sedimentary deposit. A
combination of analyses indicated that these had
been heated to 400–600°C, compatible with burning.
Inspection of the sediment and hydroxyapatite also
suggests combustion and degradation of the bone. The
results provide new insight into Early Palaeolithic
use of fire and its significance for human evolution. |
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A
spotted hyaena den in the Middle Palaeolithic of
Grotta Paglicci (Gargano promontory, Apulia,
Southern Italy),
di J. Crezzini, P. Boscato, S. Ricci, A. Ronchitelli,
V. Spagnolo, F. Boschin, "Archaeological and
Anthropological Sciences", June 2016, Volume 8,
Issue 2, pp 227-240
The Palaeolithic
sequence of Grotta Paglicci (Gargano promontory,
Apulia, Southern Italy) is one of the most important
in the Mediterranean area: It comprises the whole
Upper Palaeolithic cultural sequence known for the
region, as well as Early Middle Palaeolithic and
Lower Palaeolithic levels. These earlier phases are
best represented in a collapsed room located outside
the present-day cave (the so called “external rock
shelter”). In this area, a new excavation, started
in 2004, brought to light Middle Palaeolithic animal
remains associated with evidence of spotted hyaena
(SU 64 and 53). The spatial distribution analysis of
remains from SU 53 revealed the presence of a bone
accumulation area and a wider dispersal of hyaena
coprolites. Three main ungulate species (aurochs,
fallow deer and red deer) as well as carnivores (spotted
hyaena, wolf, fox, wild cat and lynx) and lagomorphs
have been identified. The majority of aurochs
remains are located in the main accumulation; among
these specimens, a complete metatarsal connected
with three tarsal bones has been found; a talus and
a complete tibia, probably belonging to the same
limb, have also been identified. The
multidisciplinary study carried out in this paper
highlights a specific bone accumulation and
scattering pattern in a spotted hyaena (Crocuta
crocuta) den. In addition, taphonomy of lagomorph
remains indicates the presence of other depositional
agents. |
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Increasing Behavioral
Flexibility? An Integrative Macro-Scale Approach to
Understanding the Middle Stone Age of Southern
Africa,
di A. W. Kandel et alii, "Journal of
Archaeological Method and Theory", June 2016, Volume
23, Issue 2, pp 623-668
The
Middle Stone Age (MSA) of southern Africa represents
a period during which anatomically modern humans
adopted a series of diverse cultural innovations.
Researchers generally attribute these behavioral
changes to environmental, neurological, or
demographic causes, but none of these alone offers a
satisfactory explanation. Even as patterns at site
level come into focus, large-scale trends in
cultural expansions remain poorly understood. This
paper presents different ways to view diachronic
datasets from localities in southern Africa and
specifically tests hypotheses of environmental and
cultural causality. We employ an array of analyses
in an attempt to understand large-scale variability
observed during the MSA. We evaluated the diversity
of stone tool assemblages to model site use,
examined transport distances of lithic raw materials
to understand patterns of movement, assessed the
cultural capacities required to manufacture and use
different sets of tools, applied stochastic models
to examine the geographic distribution of sites, and
reconstructed biome classes and climatic constraints.
Our large-scale analysis allowed the research team
to integrate different types of information and
examine diachronic trends during the MSA. Based on
our results, the range of cultural capacity expanded
during the MSA. We define cultural capacity as the
behavioral potential of a group expressed through
the problem-solution distance required to
manufacture and use tools. Our dataset also
indicates that the actual behavior exhibited by MSA
people, their cultural performance as expressed in
the archaeological record, is not equivalent to
their cultural capacity. Instead we observe that the
main signature of the southern African MSA is its
overall variability, as demonstrated by changing
sets of cultural performances. Finally, at the scale
of resolution considered here, our results suggest
that climate is not the most significant factor
driving human activities during the MSA. Instead, we
postulate that behavioral flexibility itself became
the key adaptation. |
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Can
Lithic Attribute Analyses Identify Discrete
Reduction Trajectories? A Quantitative Study Using
Refitted Lithic Sets,
di E. M. L. Scerri, B. Gravina, J. Blinkhorn, A.
Delagnes, "Journal of Archaeological Method and
Theory", June 2016, Volume 23, Issue 2, pp 669-691
Quantitative, attribute-based analyses of stone
tools (lithics) have been frequently used to
facilitate large-scale comparative studies, attempt
to mitigate problems of assemblage completeness and
address interpretations of the co-occurrence of
unrelated technological processes. However, a major
barrier to the widespread acceptance of such methods
has been the lack of quantified experiments that can
be externally validated by theoretically distinct
approaches in order to guide analysis and confidence
in results. Given that quantitative, attribute-based
studies now underpin several major interpretations
of the archaeological record, the requirement to
test the accuracy of such methods has become
critical. In this paper, we test the utility of 31
commonly used flake attribute measurements for
identifying discrete reduction trajectories through
three refitted lithic sets from the Middle
Palaeolithic open-air site of Le Pucheuil, in
northern France. The experiment had three aims: (1)
to determine which, if any, attribute measurements
could be used to separate individual refitted sets,
(2) to determine whether variability inherent in the
assemblage was primarily driven by different
reduction trajectories, as represented by the
refitted sets, or other factors, and (3) to
determine which multivariate tests were most
suitable for these analyses. In order to test the
sensitivity of the sample, we ran all analyses twice,
the first time with all the available lithics
pertaining to each refitted set and the second time
with randomly generated 75 % subsamples of each set.
All results revealed the consistent accuracy of 16
attribute measurements in quadratic and linear
discriminant analyses, principal component analyses
and dissimilarity matrices. These results therefore
provide the first quantified attribute formula for
comparative analyses of Levallois reduction methods
and a basis from which further experiments testing
core and retouch attributes may be conducted. |
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Grotte Chauvet-Pont d’Arc (Ardèche)
: évolution morphosédimentaire de l’entrée.
Implication sur les occupations et sur la
conservation des vestiges,
di É. Debard, C. Ferrier, B. Kervazo, vol. 27/1 |
2016 : Volume 27 Numéro 1
The
exceptional preservation of the Chauvet-Pont-d’Arc
cave, world famous for its paintings, is partly due
to the early closure of the entrance. This study
shows that the phenomena does not only result of the
collapse of the cliff overhanging, but occurs in a
long morphological and sedimentological evolution.
Filling up begins with cryoclastic deposits,
spreading inside the cavity by solifluction. Among
them, the lower scree contains a layer with
aurignacian charcoals. Then a polyphase collapse of
the cliff obstructs definitively the cave about 21.5
± 1 ka. Sedimentation then result of run off,
building an alluvial fan in the Brunel Room, and,
since the Glacial – Post-Glacial transition,
carbonated deposits which superimposed on all
facies. During the Aurignacian, humans and animals
enter in the cavity through a wide open access,
whereas during the Gravettian, they enter only
through the eastern part due to the partial filling
of the entrance. Once the cave closed, palaeolihic
floors located in the Wallows Room were only little
disturbed and conserved their archaeological remains
on their surface, while the ones in the Brunel Room
were covered by alluvium. |
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Middle Pleistocene sea-crossings in the eastern
Mediterranean?,
di D. Howitt-Marshall, C. Runnels, "Journal of
Anthropological Archaeology", Volume 42, June 2016,
Pages 140–153
Lower and Middle
Palaeolithic artifacts on Greek islands separated
from the mainland in the Middle and Upper
Pleistocene may be proxy evidence for maritime
activity in the eastern Mediterranean. Four
hypotheses are connected with this topic. The first
is the presence of archaic hominins on the islands
in the Palaeolithic, and the second is that some of
the islands were separated from the mainland when
hominins reached them. A third hypothesis is that
archaic hominin technological and cognitive
capabilities were sufficient for the fabrication of
watercraft. Finally, the required wayfinding skills
for open sea-crossings were within the purview of
early humans. Our review of the archaeological,
experimental, ethno-historical, and theoretical
evidence leads us to conclude that there is no a
priori reason to reject the first two hypotheses in
the absence of more targeted archaeological surveys
on the islands, and thus the latter two hypotheses
should be tested by future research. |
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Venturing out safely: The
biogeography of Homo erectus dispersal out of Africa,
di F. Carotenuto, N. Tsikaridze, L. Rook, D.
Lordkipanidze, L. Longo, S. Condemi, P. Raia,
"Journal of Human Evolution", Volume 95, June 2016,
Pages 1–12
The
dispersal of Homo erectus out of Africa at some 1.9
million years ago is one of the most important,
crucial, and yet controversial events in human
evolution. Current opinions about this episode
expose the contrast between those who see H. erectus
as a highly social, cooperative species seeking out
new ecological opportunities to exploit, and those
preferring a passive, climate driven explanation for
such an event. By using geostatistics techniques and
probabilistic models, we characterised the
ecological context of H. erectus dispersal, from its
East African origin to the colonization of Eurasia,
taking into account both the presence of other large
mammals and the physical characteristics of the
landscape as potential factors. Our model indicated
that H. erectus followed almost passively the large
herbivore fauna during its dispersal. In Africa, the
dispersal was statistically associated with the
presence of large freshwater bodies (Rift Valley
Lakes). In Eurasia, the presence of H. erectus was
associated with the occurrence of geological
outcrops likely yielding unconsolidated flint.
During the early phase of dispersal, our model
indicated that H. erectus actively avoided areas
densely populated by large carnivores. This pattern
weakened as H. erectus dispersed over Europe,
possibly because of the decreasing presence of
carnivores there plus the later acquisition of
Acheulean technology. During this later phase, H.
erectus was associated with limestone and shaley
marl, and seems to have been selecting for
high-elevation sites. While our results do not
directly contradict the idea that H. erectus may
have been an active hunter, they clearly point to
the fact that predator avoidance may have
conditioned its long-distance diffusion as it moved
outside Africa. The modelled dispersal route
suggests that H. erectus remained preferentially
associated with low/middle latitude (i.e.,
comparatively warm) sites throughout its
colonization history. |
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The Châtelperronian conundrum:
Blade and bladelet lithic technologies from Quinçay,
France,
di M. Roussel, M. Soressi, J. J. Hublin, "Journal of
Human Evolution", Volume 95, June 2016, Pages 13–32
The
discovery of an almost complete Neanderthal skeleton
in a Châtelperronian context at Saint-Césaire 35
years ago changed our perspective on the beginning
of the Upper Paleolithic in western Europe. Since
then, the Châtelperronian has generally been
considered a “transitional” industry rather than an
Upper or a Middle Paleolithic industry because of
its chronological position, and the association of
Neanderthal remains with blades, bone tools and
personal ornaments. Several competing hypotheses
have been proposed to explain the association
between Neanderthals and these types of artefacts
including post-depositional mixing, acculturation
from anatomically modern human populations, or an
independent technological evolution by local
Neanderthal populations. Quinçay Cave is the only
Châtelperronian site where personal ornaments have
been found that does not contain an overlying Upper
Paleolithic layer. This means that the
post-depositional mixing of later elements into the
Châtelperronian may not be used as an explanation
for the presence of these materials. We report here
on a detailed technological analysis of lithic
artefacts from the three Châtelperronian layers at
Quinçay Cave. We compare our results with the
technology of Mousterian blade industries dating to
OIS (oxygen isotope stage) 5, the Mousterian of
Acheulian Tradition type B, and the
Proto-Aurignacian. We show that the Châtelperronian
is sufficiently divergent from the Middle
Paleolithic to be classified as a fully Upper
Paleolithic industry, with a focus on blade and
bladelet production. We also show that the Quinçay
Châtelperronian includes retouched bladelets that
resemble those found in the Proto-Aurignacian, but
were produced in a different manner. We argue that a
technological convergence cannot account for these
behaviors, since the specific type of retouched
bladelet associated with the Châtelperronian was
also regularly used by Proto-Aurignacian of
neighboring regions. We suggest that the idea of
retouched bladelets may have diffused from the
northern Proto-Aurignacian to the Quinçay
Châtelperronian and that the transmission of the
morphology of this desired end-product without the
transmission of its manufacturing process may point
toward a low degree of social intimacy between these
groups. We conclude that the apparent paradox of the
Châtelperronian is the result of the complexity of
interaction between Neanderthal and anatomically
modern human groups in western Europe between 45,000
and 40,000 years ago. |
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Adult Neandertal clavicles
from the El Sidrón site (Asturias, Spain) in the
context of Homo pectoral girdle evolution,
di A. Rosas et alii, "Journal of Human
Evolution", Volume 95, June 2016, Pages 55–67
We
undertook a three-dimensional geometric morphometric
(3DGM) analysis on 12 new Neandertal clavicle
specimens from the El Sidrón site (Spain), dated to
49,000 years ago. The 3DGM methods were applied in a
comparative framework in order to improve our
understanding of trait polarity in features related
to Homo pectoral girdle evolution, using other
Neandertals, Homo sapiens, Pan, ATD6-50 (Homo
antecessor), and KNM-WT 15000 (Homo ergaster/erectus)
in the reference collection. Twenty-nine homologous
landmarks were measured for each clavicle. Variation
and morphological similarities were assessed through
principal component analysis, conducted separately
for the complete clavicle and the diaphysis. On
average, Neandertal clavicles had significantly
larger muscular entheses, double dorsal curvature,
clavicle torsion, and cranial orientation of the
acromial end than non-Neandertal clavicles; the El
Sidrón clavicles fit this pattern. Variation within
the samples was large, with extensive overlap
between Homo species; only chimpanzee specimens
clearly differed from the other specimens in
morphometric terms. Taken together, our morphometric
analyses are consistent with the following
phylogenetic sequence. The primitive condition of
the clavicle is manifest in the cranial orientation
of both the acromial and sternal ends. The derived
condition expressed in the H. sapiens + Neandertal
clade is defined by caudal rotation of both the
sternal and acromial ends, but with variation in the
number of acromia remaining in a certain cranial
orientation. Finally, the autapomorphic Neandertal
condition is defined by secondarily acquired
primitive cranial re-orientation of the acromial
end, which varies from individual to individual.
These results suggest that the pace of phylogenetic
change in the pectoral girdle does not seem to
follow that of other postcranial skeletal features. |
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The age of three Middle
Palaeolithic sites: Single-grain optically
stimulated luminescence chronologies for Pech de l'Azé
I, II and IV in France,
di Z. Jacobs et alii, "Journal of Human
Evolution", Volume 95, June 2016, Pages 80–103
Optically stimulated luminescence (OSL) measurements
were made on individual, sand-sized grains of quartz
from Middle Palaeolithic deposits at three sites (Pech
de l'Azé I, II and IV) located close to one another
in the Dordogne region of southwest France. We were
able to calculate OSL ages for 69 samples collected
from these three sites. These ages reveal periods of
occupation between about 180 and 50 thousand years
ago. Our single-grain OSL chronologies largely
support previous age estimates obtained by
thermoluminescence dating of burnt flints at Pech IV,
electron spin resonance dating of tooth enamel at
Pech I, II and IV and radiocarbon dating of bone at
Pech I and IV, but provide a more complete picture
due to the ubiquitous presence of sand-sized quartz
grains used in OSL dating. These complete
chronologies for the three sites have allowed us to
compare the single-grain ages for similar lithic
assemblages among the three sites, to test the
correlations among them previously proposed by
Bordes in the 1970s, and to construct our own
correlative chronological framework for the three
sites. This shows that similar lithic assemblages
occur at around the same time, and that where a
lithic assemblage is unique to one or found at two
of the Pech sites, there are no deposits of
chronologically equivalent age at the other Pech
site(s). We interpret this to mean that, at least
for these Pech de l'Azé sites, the Mousterian
variants show temporal ordering. Whether or not this
conclusion applies to the wider region and beyond,
the hypothesis that Mousterian industrial variation
is temporally ordered cannot be refuted at this time. |
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The technology of the earliest European cave
paintings: El Castillo Cave, Spain,
di F. d'Errico et alii, "Journal of
Archaeological Science", Volume 70, June 2016, Pages
48–65 The red
disks from El Castillo Cave are among the earliest
known cave paintings. Here, we combine the
morphometric and technological study of red disks
from two areas located at the end of the cave with
the microscopic, elemental, and mineralogical
analysis of the pigment and compare the results
obtained with observations derived from experimental
replication. Ergonomic constraints imply that a
number of disks were made by adults, and the
differences in pigment texture and composition
suggest that they correspond to an accumulation
through time of panels made by different persons who
shared neither the same technical know-how nor, very
possibly, the same symbolic system. |
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Back to the future: Space-age
exploration for pre-historic bones,
30-MAY-2016
The extremely difficult conditions in which
University of the Witwatersrand's (Wits) Professor
Lee Berger's Rising Star team was forced to work,
gave rise to the use of space-age technology to map
the Dinaledi chamber and Rising Star Cave, in which
over 1500 Homo naledi fossils were found. Ashley
Kruger, a PhD candidate in Palaeoanthropology at the
Evolutionary Studies Institute at Wits, who was part
of Berger's initial Rising Star Expedition team,
roped in the use of high-tech laser scanning,
photogrammetry and 3D mapping technology to bring
high resolution digital images to Berger and team
members on an almost real-time basis in order to
make vital decisions regarding the underground
excavations. "This is the first time ever, where
multiple digital data imaging collection has been
used on such a sale, during a hominin excavation,"
says Kruger. In 2013, after the discovery of the
hominin assemblage, Berger put a call out for "skinny"
explorers to join him on the expedition to excavate
what became known as the Dinaledi Chamber, a cave
system near the Sterkfontein Caves, about 40km North
West of Johannesburg in South Africa. An all-female
team of six "underground astronauts" were selected
to undertake the underground excavation, due to the
challenge of navigating a 12 meter vertical Chute,
and passing through an 18 centimeter gap. (...) |
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Nell'arte rupestre europea le origini della
scrittura, di
H. Pringle, 30 maggio 2016
Per decenni, i
ricercatori hanno studiato le immagini spettacolari
di cavalli al galoppo e bisonti in corsa lasciati da
artisti dell'Era glaciale oltre 10.000 anni fa sulle
pareti di grotte europee come quella di Lascaux,
prestando meno attenzione ai semplici disegni
geometrici che le accompagnavano. Nessuno è mai
riuscito a decifrarli, quindi quei segni sono stati
finora relegati al ruolo di mere decorazioni. Ora
però la paleoantropologa Genevieve von Petzinger,
studentessa di dottorato alla University of Victoria
in Canada nonché National Geographic Emerging
Explorer, li ha esaminati in uno studio che si
spinge fino a ipotizzare il loro possibile scopo. In
un libro di prossima uscita intitolato The First
Signs, von Petzinger spiega che gli europei dell'Era
glaciale, nel corso di 30.000 anni, avrebbero fatto
ricorso a 32 diversi tipi di simboli geometrici con
"l'intenzione di trasmettere informazioni": un primo
passo nel lungo viaggio dell'umanità verso la
scrittura. (...) |
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Migration back to Africa took place during the
Paleolithic,
26-MAY-2016
The Palaeogenomics study conducted by the Human
Evolutionary Biology group of the Faculty of Science
and Technology, led by Concepción de la Rua, in
collaboration with researchers in Sweden, the
Netherlands and Romania, has made it possible to
retrieve the complete sequence of the mitogenome of
the Pestera Muierii woman(PM1)using two teeth. This
mitochondrial genome corresponds to the now
disappeared U6 basal lineage, and it is from this
lineage that the U6 lineages, now existing mainly in
the populations of the north of Africa, descend from.
(...) |
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The Magdalenian sequence at
Coímbre cave (Asturias, Northern Iberian Peninsula):
Adaptive strategies of hunter–gatherer groups in
montane environments,
di D.
Álvarez-Alonso, J. Yravedra, J. F. Jordá Pardo, A.
Arrizabalaga, "Quaternary International", Volume
402, 26 May 2016, Pages 100–111
The
cave of Coímbre contains an important archaeological
deposit divided into two different zones, of which
most of the excavations carried out to date have
taken place in Zone B. Coímbre B displays a full and
very interesting Magdalenian sequence (with Lower,
Middle and Upper Magdalenian levels), in addition to
a Gravettian layer. The excavations were performed
from 2008 to 2012. The hunter–gatherers who lived in
Coímbre in the Upper Palaeolithic made use of
several adaptation strategies allowing them to
exploit all the abiotic and animal resources the
environment afforded them. In this way, the faunal
assemblage includes remains of ibex and chamois,
associated with the mountains and crags in the
immediate surroundings of the site, and also red
deer, roe deer, aurochs and horses, indicating the
exploitation of the animal resources living in the
Besnes valley, at the foot of Sierra del Cuera. When
the faunal remains in the Magdalenian levels, and
those in the Gravettian layer, are analysed in
greater detail, significant differences indicate a
differential use of the terrain. Thus, in the
Gravettian, the preferential hunting of aurochs and
red deer suggests the valleys in the vicinity were
exploited while steeper and more mountainous areas
were visited less. In contrast, in the Magdalenian,
the most common faunal remains belong to ibex, which
was the most hunted species. Together with ibex,
chamois is also very common, whereas bovids are
found in very small numbers in the Magdalenian
levels. These patterns reflect a change in the
hunting behaviour of the occupants of the cave, in
which the hunting of valley resources was
transformed into a more intensive use of animals in
more rugged areas, such as ibex and chamois. This
paper presents the preliminary results of the study
of Magdalenian occupations in Coímbre, following the
excavations in Zone B, one of the most important
places of Magdalenian human activities in Western
Cantabria (northern Iberia). |
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Missing elements in the
cultural understanding of the hydrothermal landscape
of the Carpathians in the Middle Paleolithic,
di M. Cieśla, P. Valde-Nowak, "Quaternary
International", Volume 402, 26 May 2016, Pages
112–116
As
soon as in 1950′, when the excavations at Middle
Paleolithic sites in Slovakia such as Ganovce,
Horka-Ondrej, Beharovce or Bešenova had begun, the
correlation between archeological inventories
connected with microlithic Taubachian and presence
of travertine (sedimentary rock, formation of which
in many cases is related to hydrothermal activity)
was observed. Connection between two phenomena,
cultural and geological, has never played a major
role in the discussion of Neanderthal presence in
Central Europe, as many sites outside of the
Carpathians have not displayed any connection with
travertine or thermal waters. Nevertheless, new
analysis of data leads to the conclusion, that in
light of some new evidence, this problem should be
discussed again, especially in context of layer XIX
of Obłazowa Cave in Polish Carpathians and layer 11
of the Kůlna Cave in Moravia. |
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Neanderthals built cave
structures — and no one knows why,
di E. Callaway, "Nature-News", 25 May 2016
Neanderthals built one
of the world’s oldest constructions —
176,000-year-old semicircular walls of stalagmites
in the bowels of a cave in southwest France. The
walls are currently the best evidence that
Neanderthals built substantial structures and
ventured deep into caves, but researchers are wary
of concluding much more. “The big question is why
they made it,” says Jean-Jacques Hublin, a
palaeoanthropologist at the Max Planck Institute for
Evolutionary Anthropology in Leipzig, Germany who
was not involved in the study, which is published
online in Nature on 25 May. “Some people will come
up with interpretations of ritual or religion or
symbolism. Why not? But how to prove it?”
Speleologists first discovered the structures in
Bruniquel Cave in the early 1990s. They are located
about a third of a kilometre from the cave entrance,
through a narrow passage that at one point requires
crawling on all fours. Archaeologists later found a
burnt bone from an herbivore or cave bear nearby and
could detect no radioactive carbon left in it — a
sign that the bone was older than 50,000 years, the
limit of carbon dating. But when the archaeologist
leading the excavation died in 1999, work stopped.
Then a few years ago, Sophie Verheyden, a
palaeoclimatologist at the Royal Belgian Institute
of Natural Sciences in Brussels and a keen
speleologist, became curious about the cave after
buying a holiday home nearby. She assembled a team
of archaeologists, geochronologists and other
experts to take a closer look at the mysterious
structures. (...)
·
Mysterious underground rings built by Neandertals,
di S. Perkins, "Science news", May. 25, 2016
·
Le enigmatiche costruzioni sotterranee dei
Neanderthal, "Le Scienze", 26 maggio 2016
·
Les constructions de Néandertal à Bruniquel, "Hominides",
26/05/16
·
Quei costruttori dei Neandertal, "National
Geographic Italia", 26 maggio 2016
·
Early Neanderthal constructions deep in Bruniquel
Cave in southwestern France, di J. Jaubert et
alii, "Nature", 534, pp. 111–114 (02 June 2016) |
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Art
pariétal : découverte de nouvelles figures au pays
basque espagnol,
25/05/16
C’est dans la grotte d’Atxurra qu’une équipe a
découvert des figures d’animaux datées entre 12 500
et 14 500 ans, à la fin du Paléolithique supérieur.
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Quando
dall'Europa tornammo in Africa,
20 maggio 2016
L'analisi del DNA
mitocondriale ricavato dai resti di un essere umano
moderno scoperto nella grotta di Pestera Muierii, in
Romania, e vissuto 35.000 anni fa suggerisce che si
tratti di un individuo appartenente a una
popolazione che attraversò l'Europa sudorientale per
fare ritorno in Nord Africa nel primo Paleolitico
superiore. (...) |
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Morphometric Assessment of
Convergent Tool Technology and Function during the
Early Middle Palaeolithic: The Case of Payre, France,
di M. G. Chacón, F. Détroit, A. Coudenneau, M. H.
Moncel, May 18, 2016, DOI:
http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0155316
- free access -
There appears to be little doubt as to the existence
of an intentional technological resolve to produce
convergent tools during the Middle Palaeolithic.
However, the use of these pieces as pointed tools is
still subject to debate: i.e., handheld tool vs.
hafted tool. Present-day technological analysis has
begun to apply new methodologies in order to
quantify shape variability and to decipher the role
of the morphology of these pieces in relation to
function; for instance, geometric morphometric
analyses have recently been applied with successful
results. This paper presents a study of this type of
analysis on 37 convergent tools from level Ga of
Payre site (France), dated to MIS 8–7. These pieces
are non-standardized knapping products produced by
discoidal and orthogonal core technologies. Moreover,
macro-wear studies attest to various activities on
diverse materials with no evidence of hafting or
projectile use. The aim of this paper is to test the
geometric morphometric approach on non-standardized
artefacts applying the Elliptical Fourier analysis (EFA)
to 3D contours and to assess the potential
relationship between size and shape, technology and
function. This study is innovative in that it is the
first time that this method, considered to be a
valuable complement for describing technological and
functional attributes, is applied to 3D contours of
lithic products. Our results show that this
methodology ensures a very good degree of accuracy
in describing shape variations of the sharp edges of
technologically non-standardized convergent tools.
EFA on 3D contours indicates variations in
deviations of the outline along the third dimension
(i.e., dorso-ventrally) and yields quantitative and
insightful information on the actual shape
variations of tools. Several statistically
significant relationships are found between shape
variation and use-wear attributes, though the
results emphasize the large variability of the shape
of the convergent tools, which, in general, does not
show a strong direct association with technological
features and function. This is in good agreement
with the technological context of this chronological
period, characterized by a wide diversity of
non-standardized tools adapted to multipurpose
functions for varied subsistence activities.
(...) |
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Student deciphers 'cave art': 'Stone age art' in
Upper Franconian cave not an archaeological
sensation after all,
May 12, 2016
The Mäanderhöhle cave
near Bamberg was previously regarded as an
archaeological sensation. It was thought to contain
some of the oldest cave art in Germany. However, a
researcher has demonstrated that the markings
discovered inside the cave in 2005 are not fertility
symbols carved by humans as previously thought. In
fact, these lines occurred as a result of natural
processes, the archaeologist says. (...) |
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Researchers prove humans in Southern Arabia 10,000
years earlier than first thought,
11-MAY-2016
THE last Ice Age made much of the globe
uninhabitable, but there were oases - or refugia -
where people 20,000 years ago were able to cluster
and survive. Researchers at the University of
Huddersfield, who specialise in the analysis of
human DNA, have found new evidence that there was
one or more of these shelters in what is now
Southern Arabia. Once the Ice Age receded - with the
onset of the Late Glacial period about 15,000 years
ago - the people of this refugium then dispersed and
populated Arabia and the Horn of Africa, and might
also have migrated further afield. The view used to
be that people did not settle in large numbers in
Arabia until the development of agriculture, around
10-11,000 years ago. Now, the findings by members of
the University of Huddersfield's Archaeogenetics
Research Group demonstrate that modern humans have
dwelt in this territory for far longer than
previously thought. The new genetic data and
analysis bolsters a theory that has long been held
by archaeologists, although they had little evidence
to support it until now. (...) |
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Le « type 2a », plus ancien
modèle de propulseur paléolithique : une nouvelle
pièce dans le Magdalénien moyen d’Isturitz (Pyrénées-Atlantiques,
France) et ses implications,
di P. Cattelain, J. M. Pétillon, "Paleo", 26-2015
- free access -
This paper presents a spearthrower made of reindeer
antler from the Middle Magdalenian of Isturitz (Layer
II, Saint-Périer’s 1932 excavations in the Great
Hall of the cave). This object, now almost complete,
was only restored recently in 2008 when two
fragments preserved in various museums were joined.
Its morphometric and technical characteristics
remind a group of 14 other spearthrowers from the
sites of El Castillo (1), El Mirón (1), Roc de
Marcamps (3), Combe Saunière I (1), Placard (6) and
Garenne (2). We suggest to name this group ‘Type
2a’, defined by five criteria: a short spearthrower;
usually made from an antler splinter, rather than
from an antler’s section; generally with a
single-bevelled proximal end; with a hook of a
specific shape, resulting from a specific shaping
process; bearing no decoration, except occasionally
short and straight incisions. Thus, the spearthrower
of type 2a differs from the other spearthrowers of
type 2 and types 1, 3 and 4 by the typological and
technological aspects as well as its geographical
distribution. In chronological terms, it seems to be
older and may well be the first known model of
spearthrower dating from the Palaeolithic. Its
precise dating remains difficult for several sites,
but in some cases (El Mirón, Le Roc de Marcamps, La
Garenne), it probably dates back to the
19,000-18,000 cal BP phase (around 15,500-15,000
BP). Depending on the region and the research
traditions, this phase has received many names:
Cantabrian Lower Magdalenian, Magdalenian III,
Magdalénien à navettes, Magdalenian with
Lussac-Angles points, and the most recent, Early
Middle Magdalenian. (...) |
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Le Laborien récent de la
grotte-abri de Peyrazet (Creysse, Lot, France).
Nouvelles données pour la fin du Tardiglaciaire en
Quercy,
di M. Langlais et alii, "Paleo", 26-2015
- free access -
Discovered in 1990, Peyrazet cave-rock shelter (Creysse,
Lot) lies in the Haut-Quercy region at the limits of
the Martel limestone plateau, several hundred meters
from the current Dordogne River valley. Excavations
begun in 2008 produced a Late Glacial
archaeo-sequence that sheds new light on several
still poorly understood aspects of the archeological
record in both the Haut-Quercy region and
southwestern France in general. The level overlying
the Late Magdalenian occupation produced limited
evidence for the Azilian and is stratigraphically
separated from the Laborian. This latter
techno-complex, dated to the end of the Pleistocene
and early Holocene, remains poorly documented in the
region, having only been previously identified from
two sites in the Quercy. The discovery of a recent
Laborian (Epilaborian) occupation at Peyrazet
presented the ideal occasion for a collaborative
study of the diverse archaeological material
recovered from this well-understood
archaeo-stratigraphic context. A geoarchaeological
analysis produced evidence for both surface runoff
and the accumulation of coarse deposits (éboulis) as
the principal site formation processes. In the
southwest area of the site, a reworked lithofacies
demonstrates substantial bioturbation in connection
with animal burrowing. Although the presence of
rodent, bird, fish, and medium-sized mammals (except
hare) cannot be definitively connected to human
activity, they nevertheless provide important
information concerning the environments exploited by
hunter-gatherer groups. Larger species are dominated
by red deer whose carcasses were partially processed
before being introduced to the site, where meat was
subsequently removed and marrow consumed. A
functional analysis combined with a
typo-technological study of the primarily locally-
and regionally-procured lithic material revealed
evidence for diverse activities having taken place
on-site. An ochre fragment, several bone tools and
ornaments equally indicate a large variety of tasks
to have been carried out during a single, long
occupation or several successive visits. A
typo-technological comparison of hunting weaponry (microliths)
from sites across a substantial area suggests the
assemblage to represent either a Laborian/Epilaborian
mix or a unique Epilaborian occupation. This latter
case would indicate the persistence of older
morphotypes alongside the development of new tools
forms, a situation already identified at Borie del
Rey in the Haut-Agenais but which requires more
detailed study supported by new discoveries.
(...) |
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Nouveaux restes humains provenant du gisement de
Regourdou (Montignac-sur-Vézère, Dordogne, France),
di Bruno Maureille et alii, "Paleo", 26-2015
- free access -
In
an article published in Paleo number 20 (Madelaine
et al. 2008), we announced the discovery of a new
series of 11 human remains that we associated with
Regourdou individual number 1 (Vandermeersch and
Trinkaus 1995), a specimen first brought to light in
September 1957. Some of these new bones, in
particular the larger ones (femur, tibia, fibula)
represent or make more complete skeletal elements
that were presumed to have been missing as the
result of funerary acts (Bonifay et al. 2007). In
this contribution, we increase the skeletal
representation of Regourdou 1 with additional new
pieces. These come in part from the site’s faunal
collections (property of the Musée national de
Préhistoire since 2002), but also from the
collections of the Musée d’Art et d’Archéologie de
Périgueux. In addition, two pieces: a left femoral
diaphysis and the proximal half of a tibia come from
the collection of the Constant family, but the
morphology of the latter does not appear to be that
of a Neandertal. These new discoveries increase our
knowledge of Neandertal anatomical variability and
the history of the site’s occupation, and also
permit us to confirm the presence of at least one
second adult Mousterian-associated individual, who
is thus far represented solely by a right calcaneus.
They also allow us to revisit an interesting
hypothesis regarding the taphonomic history of the
most complete individual from the site (Regourdou
1), a hypothesis we put forth in 2008 that now turns
out to be false. Finally, the origin of the
individual represented by the tibia (which evinces
modern morphology) is unknown. We will therefore
need to obtain an absolute direct date on it.
(...) |
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Importance des données de
terrain pour la compréhension d’un potentiel dépôt
funéraire moustérien : le cas du squelette de
Regourdou 1 (Montignac-sur-Vézère, Dordogne, France),
di Bruno Maureille et alii, "Paleo",
26-2015 - free access -
Excepté dans les travaux de E. Bonifay (pour l’un
des plus récents, voir Bonifay et al. 2007) et dans
différentes contributions qui ont repris ces
derniers (p. ex. Binant 1991 ; Defleur 1993 ;
Maureille et Vandermeersch 2007 ; Pettitt 2011 voir
aussi l’analyse plus critique de May 1986), la
position in situ des restes humains de Regourdou 1,
provenant de la couche 4 du site n’a jamais été
discutée ni sur la base de l’opération de sauvetage
réalisée en octobre 1957 (opération dirigée par E.
Bonifay et G. Laplace-Jauretche, sous l’autorité
administrative de F. Bordes), ni suite aux fouilles
programmées dirigées par E. Bonifay entre 1961 et
1964. Après une synthèse des informations
disponibles contenues dans de nombreux documents
inédits (minutes de terrain de François Bordes,
dessins réalisés lors de l’opération de sauvetage,
photographies réalisées en 1957 puis en 1961 et
1962, base de données des fouilles 1961-1964) et
d’un nouvel inventaire des restes humains (connus et
nouvellement découverts), les ossements de Regourdou
1 ont pu être en majorité repositionnés au sein d’un
système orthonormé. Ces nouveaux documents
permettent de supposer que la concentration de
vestiges mis au jour lors de l’opération de
sauvetage se situait dans le carré G2 du carroyage
des fouilles débutées en 1961. Ils mettent également
en évidence que, même si pratiquement aucune
connexion anatomique n’est décelée avec certitude et
malgré des perturbations très importantes (la
totalité des ossements se répartit in fine sur près
de neuf carrés : G1 à G3, F1 à F3, E1, E2 et D2),
ces restes se distribuent surtout en G2 et en G3 en
respectant la logique anatomique du corps humain.
Ces observations permettent de suggérer que
Regourdou 1 était plutôt en position allongée, la
tête à l’ouest - peut-être ramenée sur le tronc - à
proximité de la paroi de la cavité. Ce résultat est
donc différent de l’hypothèse de la position fœtale
proposée dans Bonifay et al. (2007). De plus, de
nombreuses perturbations post-dépositionnelles du
dépôt initial humain durant le Pléistocène se sont
produites probablement en liaison avec la
fréquentation de la cavité par l’Ours brun et les
lagomorphes. Nous espérons que de nouvelles fouilles
du site, et particulièrement l’étude du rôle de l’Homme
dans l’accumulation des vestiges de la couche 4 (selon
la stratigraphie de Bonifay 1964), nous permettront
de discuter des causes de la présence de ce
néandertalien et, peut-être, de l’absence de sa
boîte crânienne. (...) |
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Kantis: A new Australopithecus
site on the shoulders of the Rift Valley near
Nairobi, Kenya,
di E. Mbua et alii, "Journal of Human
Evolution", Volume 94, May 2016, Pages 28–44
Most Plio-Pleistocene sites in the Gregory Rift
Valley that have yielded abundant fossil hominins
lie on the Rift Valley floor. Here we report a new
Pliocene site, Kantis, on the shoulder of the
Gregory Rift Valley, which extends the geographical
range of Australopithecus afarensis to the highlands
of Kenya. This species, known from sites in Ethiopia,
Tanzania, and possibly Kenya, is believed to be
adapted to a wide spectrum of habitats, from open
grassland to woodland. The Kantis fauna is generally
similar to that reported from other contemporaneous
A. afarensis sites on the Rift Valley floor. However,
its faunal composition and stable carbon isotopic
data from dental enamel suggest a stronger C4
environment than that present at those sites.
Although the Gregory Rift Valley has been the focus
of paleontologists' attention for many years,
surveys of the Rift shoulder may provide new
perspective on African Pliocene mammal and hominin
evolution.
·
Il gusto per i viaggi di Australopithecus afarensis,
"Le Scienze", 29 marzo 2016 |
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The oldest hominin butchery in
European mid-latitudes at the Jaramillo site of
Untermassfeld (Thuringia, Germany),
di G. Landeck, J. Garcia Garriga, "Journal of Human
Evolution", Volume 94, May 2016, Pages 53–71
The
late Early Pleistocene site of Untermassfeld, dated
to the Jaramillo subchron (ca. 1.07 millions of
years ago), is well known for its rich
Epivillafranchian fauna. It has also recently
yielded stone artefacts attesting hominin occupation.
Now, we report here, for the first time, evidence of
hominin butchery such as cut marks and intentional
hammerstone-related bone breakage. This probable
subsistence behaviour was detected in a small faunal
subsample recovered from levels with Mode 1 stone
tools. The butchered faunal assemblage was found
during fieldwork and surveying in fluvial riverbanks
(Lower Fluviatile Sands) and channel erosion
sediments (Upper Fluviatile Sands). The frequent
occurrence of butchery traces on bones of
large-sized herd animals (i.e., Bison) may imply a
greater need for meat in seasonal habitats
characterised by a depletion of nutritive plants in
winter. Early access to carcasses, before their
consumption by carnivores, provided hominins with
sufficient quantities of meat. This access was
acquired with a Mode 1 lithic industry, to ensure
food procurement and survival at high latitudes in
Europe. Stone tools and faunal remains with signs of
anthropic intervention recovered at Untermassfeld
are evidence of the oldest hominin settlement at
continental mid-latitudes (50° N). |
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Shoot
first, ask questions later: Interpretative
narratives of Neanderthal hunting,
di M. White, P. Pettitt, D. Schreve, "Quaternary
Science Reviews", Volume 140, 15 May 2016, Pages
1–20 This
paper examines the hunting strategies employed by
Neanderthals at a series of kill or near-kill sites
from the Middle Palaeolithic of Europe (Mauran, La
Borde, Taubach, Zwoleń and Salzgitter Lebenstedt).
Using palaeolandscape reconstructions and animal
ethology as our context, we adopt a multifaceted
approach that views hunting as a chaîne opératoire
involving the decisions and actions of both the
hunter and the hunted, which together help
reconstruct a forensic picture of past events as
they unfolded. Our conclusions indicate that
Neanderthals did not necessarily pre-select
individuals from a herd, who they then isolated,
pursued and killed, but rather ambushed whole groups,
which they slaughtered indiscriminately. There is
strong evidence, however, that Neanderthals were
highly selective in the carcasses they then chose to
process. Our conclusions suggest that Neanderthals
were excellent tacticians, casual executioners and
discerning diners. |
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The genetic history of Ice Age Europe,
di Q. Fu et alii, Nature (2016), 02 May 2016,
DOI: 10.1038/nature17993
Modern humans arrived
in Europe ~45,000 years ago, but little is known
about their genetic composition before the start of
farming ~8,500 years ago. Here we analyse
genome-wide data from 51 Eurasians from
~45,000–7,000 years ago. Over this time, the
proportion of Neanderthal DNA decreased from 3–6% to
around 2%, consistent with natural selection against
Neanderthal variants in modern humans. Whereas there
is no evidence of the earliest modern humans in
Europe contributing to the genetic composition of
present-day Europeans, all individuals between
~37,000 and ~14,000 years ago descended from a
single founder population which forms part of the
ancestry of present-day Europeans. An
~35,000-year-old individual from northwest Europe
represents an early branch of this founder
population which was then displaced across a broad
region, before reappearing in southwest Europe at
the height of the last Ice Age ~19,000 years ago.
During the major warming period after ~14,000 years
ago, a genetic component related to present-day Near
Easterners became widespread in Europe. These
results document how population turnover and
migration have been recurring themes of European
prehistory. (...) |
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First evidence of a Late Upper Palaeolithic human
presence in Ireland,
di M. Dowd, R. F. Carden, "Quaternary Science
Reviews", Volume 139, 1 May 2016, Pages 158–163
The colonisation of
North West Europe by humans and fauna following the
Last Glacial Maximum (LGM) has been the subject of
considerable discussion in recent decades and within
multiple disciplines. Here we present new evidence
that pushes back the date of human footfall in
Ireland by up to 2500 cal BP to the Upper
Palaeolithic. An assemblage of animal bones
recovered from a cave in the west of Ireland during
antiquarian excavations in 1903 included a butchered
brown bear bone (patella) which was recently
subjected to two independent radiocarbon dating
processes; the resultant dates were in agreement:
12,810–12,590 cal BP and 12,810–12,685 cal BP. This
find rewrites the antiquity of human occupation of
Ireland and challenges the traditional paradigm that
certain biota may have naturally colonised the
island prior to human arrival. |
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A
possible Palaeolithic hand axe from Cyprus,
di T. F. Strasser, C. Runnels, C. Vita-Finzi, "Antiquity-Project
Gallery", Issue 350, April 2016
Forty-three years ago, artefacts of apparent Lower
or Middle Palaeolithic type were reported in red
beds overlying a fossil beach—arguably last
Interglacial in age—at Zygi on the south-central
coast of Cyprus (Vita-Finzi 1973). There has been
speculation ever since about the possibility of
Palaeolithic activity on Cyprus, although due
scepticism has prevailed because unequivocal
evidence has been elusive (Knapp 2010, 2013: 43–48).
New finds from the Greek islands of Crete, Gavdos,
Melos and Naxos (Chelidonio 2001; Mortensen 2008;
Strasser et al. 2010, 2011; Carter et al. 2014;
Runnels 2014; Runnels et al. 2014a & b) suggest that
it is time for a research strategy, targeting Middle
and early Late Pleistocene geological deposits on
Cyprus, to settle the question. New evidence from
Cyprus is a hand axe (biface) from the site of
Kholetria-Ortos. The Canadian Palaipaphos Survey
Project discovered the site in 1983 (Fox 1987: 19)
and, subsequently, S. Swiny, then director of the
Cyprus-American Archaeological Research Institute (CAARI),
collected the hand axe in 1992 from the surface near
the site. In the CAARI catalogue, the artefact is
described as being of ‘Palaeolithic hand axe type’
(Figure 1). Our description is based on the
first-hand inspection and examination of a
three-dimensional printed replica, which is in turn
based on photorealistic three-dimensional digital
images by Brandon Olson (see Olson et al. 2014). The
hand axe is made of Lefkara chert, a commonly
exploited lithic resource on Cyprus. It is an
amygdaloid, or sub-triangular, hand axe with a
converging tip. It is 140mm in length, 85mm in width
and 55mm in thickness (Figures 2–4). The dihedral
butt and sinuous edges are typical of Acheulean
bifaces in south-west Asia (e.g. Shea 2013: 70–79),
as is the deep, invasive flaking covering both faces.
The piece has a thick patina, clearly visible where
recent accidental flakes cut through it, suggesting
a considerable age for the artefact. (...) |
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Re-evaluating the traditional models of prehistoric
human occupation in central Italy: the case-study of
Grotta Mora Cavorso,
di K. F. Achino, M. Gatta, L. Silvestri, M. F.
Rolfo, "Antiquity-Project Gallery",Issue 350, April
2016
As
a stepping stone between the Balkans and
south-western Europe, the Italian peninsula has long
facilitated social and cultural contact between
distant human groups. This is clear from at least
the late Upper Palaeolithic, with evidence of strong
affinities between the Epigravettian lithic
industries from these two sides of the European
continent (Kozlowski 1999). With the beginning of
the Holocene, the Adriatic Sea became one of the
main routes for contact and exchange, documented
through the diffusion of material culture such as
impressed pottery, in a south-east to north-west
direction towards the Tyrrhenian Sea, and from there
to southern France. Long-established models of
prehistoric human occupation consider Apennine
central Italy as marginal in the context of the
framework discussed above. The cave site of Grotta
Mora Cavorso has the potential to challenge this
assumption. Through ongoing excavations and
multidisciplinary analyses, this site has already
proved to be an important crossroads between the
Adriatic and the Tyrrhenian coasts, in an area—the
Aniene Valley—that would have been attractive to
large human groups. The study of this cave will
contribute to the reinterpretation of
central-Italian prehistoric settlement and society.
(...) |
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Neanderthals, trees and dental calculus: new
evidence from El Sidrón,
di A. Radini, S. Buckley, A. Rosas, A. Estalrrich,
Marco de la Rasilla, K. Hardy, "Antiquity",Volume
90, Issue 350, April 2016, pp 290-301
Analysis of dental
calculus is increasingly important in archaeology,
although the focus has hitherto been on dietary
reconstruction. Non-edible material has, however,
recently been extracted from the dental calculus of
a Neanderthal population from the 49 000-year-old
site of El Sidrón, Spain, in the form of fibre and
chemical compounds that indicate conifer wood.
Associated dental wear confirms that the teeth were
being used for non-dietary activities. These results
highlight the importance of dental calculus as a
source of wider biographical information, and
demonstrate the need to include associated data
within research, in particular tooth wear, to
maximise this valuable resource. |
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The
Middle Palaeolithic of the Nejd, Saudi Arabia,
di H. S. Groucutt et alii, "Journal of Field
Archaeology", Volume 41, Issue 2, 2016
The
Pleistocene archaeological record of the Arabian
Peninsula is increasingly recognized as being of
great importance for resolving some of the major
debates in hominin evolutionary studies. Though
there has been an acceleration in the rate of
fieldwork and discovery of archaeological sites in
recent years, little is known about hominin
occupations in the Pleistocene over vast areas of
Arabia. Here we report on the identification of five
new Middle Palaeolithic sites from the Nejd of
central Arabia and the southern margins of the Nefud
Desert to the north. The importance of these sites
centers on their diversity in terms of landscape
positions, raw materials used for lithic manufacture,
and core reduction methods. Our findings indicate
multiple hominin dispersals into Arabia and complex
subsequent patterns of behavior and demography. |
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Recent discoveries of
Aurignacian and Epigravettian sites in Albania,
di T. C. Hauck, R. Ruka, I. Gjipali, J. Richter, O.
Vogels, "Journal of Field Archaeology", Volume 41,
Issue 2, 2016
Albania is a possible stepping-stone for the
dispersal of Homo sapiens into Europe, since
Palaeolithic traces (namely from the so-called
Uluzzian culture) have been discovered in
neighboring Greece and Italy. After two years of
searching for evidence of modern humans in Albania
we here report on excavated test trenches
representing two time slices: an Aurignacian
open-air site from southern Albania and two
Epigravettian cave sites in central and northern
Albania—areas heretofore archaeologically unknown.
The new Albanian data fill a gap in the eastern
Adriatic archaeological record for Marine Isotope
Stages 3 and 2. Adding current knowledge of Late
Pleistocene landscape evolution, a “contextual area
model” can be constructed describing the habitats of
these human populations. |
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Late Middle Palaeolithic
occupations in Ciemna Cave, southern Poland,
di P. Valde-Nowak et alii, "Journal of Field
Archaeology", Volume 41, Issue 2, 2016
Recent excavations in Ciemna Cave in the Prądnik
valley near Ojców, southern Poland have brought to
light new stratigraphic and techno-typological
evidence concerning Late Middle Palaeolithic groups
and their cultural affinities. In 2007, excavations
began in the hitherto-unexplored main chamber of
Ciemna Cave, with the goal of clarifying the results
of previous work in other parts of the cave. During
excavation the rocky floor of the cave was reached.
About 1000 stone artifacts have been collected to
date. Three cultural traditions have been documented:
Mousterian, Taubachian, and Micoquian. Within the
Micoquian tradition, three cultural levels were
observed, which enriches the previous understanding
of occupational phases at the site. These findings
permit revision of the traditional terms “Prądnik
industry” and “Prądnik technique.” |
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The development of a new
geospatial framework for the palaeoanthropological
site of the Sterkfontein Caves, Cradle of Humankind,
Gauteng, South Africa,
di D. Stratford,
S. Merlo, S. Brown, "Journal of Field Archaeology",
Volume 41, Issue 2, 2016
Geographical Information Systems (GIS) provide an
essential element in modern paleoanthropological
inquiry through their ability to integrate a diverse
range of data within a multidimensional spatial
framework which can be used for data storage,
analysis and modeling. One of the challenges of
creating such a framework is the integration of
legacy and new data (collected with digital
technologies) at large sites with a long history of
research. The Sterkfontein Caves, located in the
Cradle of Humankind, is the richest
Australopithecus-bearing locality in the world and
has been the focus of intense palaeoanthropological
research for the past 80 years. A diverse range of
spatial data has been collected over this history
and future integrative research necessitates the
development of a unified, cohesive 3D GIS framework.
In this paper we describe three phases of work
undertaken to implement such a framework and discuss
the next steps in its development and utilization
for spatial analyses. |
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What
do cranial bones of LB1 tell us about Homo
floresiensis?,
di A. Balzeau, P. Charlier, "Journal of Human
Evolution", Volume 93, April 2016, Pages 12–24
Cranial vault thickness (CVT) of Liang Bua 1, the
specimen that is proposed to be the holotype of Homo
floresiensis, has not yet been described in detail
and compared with samples of fossil hominins,
anatomically modern humans or microcephalic skulls.
In addition, a complete description from a forensic
and pathological point of view has not yet been
carried out. It is important to evaluate
scientifically if features related to CVT bring new
information concerning the possible pathological
status of LB1, and if it helps to recognize
affinities with any hominin species and particularly
if the specimen could belong to the species Homo
sapiens. Medical examination of the skull based on a
micro-CT examination clearly brings to light the
presence of a sincipital T (a non-metrical variant
of normal anatomy), a scar from an old frontal
trauma without any evident functional consequence,
and a severe bilateral hyperostosis frontalis
interna that may have modified the anterior
morphology of the endocranium of LB1. We also show
that LB1 displays characteristics, related to the
distribution of bone thickness and arrangements of
cranial structures, that are plesiomorphic traits
for hominins, at least for Homo erectus s.l.
relative to Homo neanderthalensis and H. sapiens.
All the microcephalic skulls analyzed here share the
derived condition of anatomically modern H. sapiens.
Cranial vault thickness does not help to clarify the
definition of the species H. floresiensis but it
also does not support an attribution of LB1 to H.
sapiens. We conclude that there is no support for
the attribution of LB1 to H. sapiens as there is no
evidence of systemic pathology and because it does
not have any of the apomorphic traits of our species. |
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Premolar root and canal
variation in South African Plio-Pleistocene
specimens attributed to Australopithecus africanus
and Paranthropus robustus,
di N. C. Moore, J. F. Thackeray, J. J. Hublin, M. M.
Skinner, "Journal of Human Evolution", Volume 93,
April 2016, Pages 46–62
South African hominin fossils attributed to
Australopithecus africanus derive from the cave
sites of Makapansgat, Sterkfontein, and Taung, from
deposits dated between about 2 and 3 million years
ago (Ma), while Paranthropus robustus is known from
Drimolen, Kromdraai, and Swartkrans, from deposits
dated between about 1 and 2 Ma. Although variation
in the premolar root complex has informed taxonomic
and phylogenetic hypotheses for these fossil hominin
species, traditionally there has been a focus on
external root form, number, and position. In this
study, we use microtomography to undertake the first
comprehensive study of maxillary and mandibular
premolar root and canal variation in
Australopithecus africanus and Paranthropus robustus
(n = 166 teeth) within and between the species. We
also test for correlations between premolar size and
root morphology as predicted under the ‘size/number
continuum’ (SNC) model, which correlates increasing
root number with tooth size. Our results demonstrate
previously undocumented variation in these two
fossil hominin species and highlight taxonomic
differences in the presence and frequency of
particular root types, qualitative root traits, and
tooth size (measured as cervix cross-sectional
area). Patterns of tooth size and canal/root number
are broadly consistent with the SNC model, however
statistically significant support is limited. The
implications for hominin taxonomy in light of the
increased variation in root morphology documented in
this study are discussed. |
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Ecological niche of
Neanderthals from Spy Cave revealed by nitrogen
isotopes of individual amino acids in collagen,
di Yuichi I. Naito et alii, "Journal of Human
Evolution", Volume 93, April 2016, Pages 82–90
This study provides a refined view on the diet and
ecological niche of Neanderthals. The traditional
view is that Neanderthals obtained most of their
dietary protein from terrestrial animals, especially
from large herbivores that roamed the open
landscapes. Evidence based on the conventional
carbon and nitrogen isotopic composition of bulk
collagen has supported this view, although recent
findings based on plant remains in the tooth
calculus, microwear analyses, and small game and
marine animal remains from archaeological sites have
raised some questions regarding this assumption.
However, the lack of a protein source other than
meat in the Neanderthal diet may be due to
methodological difficulties in defining the isotopic
composition of plants. Based on the nitrogen
isotopic composition of glutamic acid and
phenylalanine in collagen for Neanderthals from Spy
Cave (Belgium), we show that i) there was an
inter-individual dietary heterogeneity even within
one archaeological site that has not been evident in
bulk collagen isotopic compositions, ii) they
occupied an ecological niche different from those of
hyenas, and iii) they could rely on plants for up to
∼20% of their protein source. These results are
consistent with the evidence found of plant
consumption by the Spy Neanderthals, suggesting a
broader subsistence strategy than previously
considered. |
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Earliest evidence of personal
ornaments associated with burial: The Conus shells
from Border Cave,
di F. d'Errico, L. Backwell, "Journal of Human
Evolution", Volume 93, April 2016, Pages 91–108
The
four to six month old infant from Border Cave, found
with a perforated Conus shell in a pit excavated in
Howiesons Poort (HP) layers dated to 74 ± 4 BP, is
considered the oldest instance of modern human
burial from Africa, and the earliest example of a
deceased human interred with a personal ornament. In
this article we present new data retrieved from
unpublished archives on the burial excavation, and
conduct an in-depth analysis of the Conus found with
the infant, and a second similar Conus that probably
originates from the same layer. Based on
morphological, morphometric and ecological evidence
we assign these two shells to Conus ebraeus Linnaeus
1758, a tropical species still living on the nearest
coastline to Border Cave, in northern KwaZulu-Natal.
This attribution changes the paleoclimatic setting
inferred from the previous ascription of these
shells to Conus bairstowi, a species endemic to the
Eastern Cape and adapted to colder sea surface
temperatures. Reconstructions of 74 ka sea surface
temperatures along the southern African east coast
are consistent with our reassignment. Analysis of
shell thanatocoenoses and biocoenosis from the
KwaZulu-Natal coast, including microscopic study of
their surfaces, reveals that complete, well
preserved living or dead Conus, such as those found
at Border Cave, are rare on beaches, can be
collected at low tide at a depth of c. 0.5–2 m among
the rocks, and that the archeological shells were
dead when collected. We demonstrate that the
perforations at the apex were produced by humans,
and that traces of wear due to prolonged utilization
as an ornament are present. SEM-EDX analysis of
patches of red residue on the Conus found in the pit
with the infant indicates that it is composed of
iron, phosphorus, silicon, aluminium, and magnesium.
Results indicate that, at least in some areas of
southern Africa, the use of marine gastropods as
ornaments, already attested in Still Bay, extended
to the first phases of the HP. |
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Direct U-series analysis of
the Lezetxiki humerus reveals a Middle Pleistocene
age for human remains in the Basque Country (northern
Iberia),
di C, de-la-Rúa, J. Altuna, M. Hervella, L. Kinsley,
R. Grün, "Journal of Human Evolution", Volume 93,
April 2016, Pages 109–119
In
1964, a human humerus was found in a sedimentary
deposit in Lezetxiki Cave (Basque Country, northern
Iberia). The first studies on the stratigraphy,
associated mammal faunal remains and lithic
implements placed the deposits containing the
humerus into the Riss glacial stage. Direct
chronometric evidence has so far been missing, and
the previous chronostratigraphic framework and
faunal dating gave inconsistent results. Here we
report laser ablation U-series analyses on the
humerus yielding a minimum age of 164 ± 9 ka,
corresponding to MIS 6. This is the only direct
dating analysis of the Lezetxiki humerus and
confirms a Middle Pleistocene age for this hominin
fossil. Morphometric analyses suggest that the
Lezetxiki humerus has close affinities to other
Middle Pleistocene archaic hominins, such as those
from La Sima de los Huesos at Atapuerca. This
emphasizes the significance of the Lezetxiki fossil
within the populations that predate the Neanderthals
in south-western Europe. It is thus an important key
fossil for the understanding of human evolution in
Europe during the Middle Pleistocene, a time period
when a great morphological diversity is observed but
whose phylogenetic meaning is not yet fully
understood. |
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A wolf in dog's clothing:
Initial dog domestication and Pleistocene wolf
variation,
di A. Perri, "Journal of Archaeological Science",
Volume 68, April 2016, Pages 1–4
The
process and timing of initial dog domestication is
an important topic in human evolution and one which
has inspired much recent debate. Findings of
putative domesticated dogs have recently been
reported from two Gravettian sites by Germonpré et
al. (2015a), joining a handful of other reputed
“Paleolithic dogs” dating to before the Last Glacial
Maximum (LGM). Though these findings have been
challenged previously, this paper draws attention to
the most significant shortcoming in claims of early
domesticated dogs – a lack of data on Pleistocene
wolf variation. Without comprehensive data on the
range of variation within Pleistocene wolf
populations, the identification of domesticated dogs
from prior to the Late Upper Paleolithic cannot be
conclusively accepted or rejected. |
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Neandertal versus Modern Human Dietary Responses to
Climatic Fluctuations,
di S. El Zaatari, F. E. Grine, P. S. Ungar, J. J.
Hublin, April 27, 2016, DOI: dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0153277
- free access -
The Neandertal lineage
developed successfully throughout western Eurasia
and effectively survived the harsh and severely
changing environments of the alternating glacial/interglacial
cycles from the middle of the Pleistocene until
Marine Isotope Stage 3. Yet, towards the end of this
stage, at the time of deteriorating climatic
conditions that eventually led to the Last Glacial
Maximum, and soon after modern humans entered
western Eurasia, the Neandertals disappeared.
Western Eurasia was by then exclusively occupied by
modern humans. We use occlusal molar microwear
texture analysis to examine aspects of diet in
western Eurasian Paleolithic hominins in relation to
fluctuations in food supplies that resulted from the
oscillating climatic conditions of the Pleistocene.
There is demonstrable evidence for differences in
behavior that distinguish Upper Paleolithic humans
from members of the Neandertal lineage. Specifically,
whereas the Neandertals altered their diets in
response to changing paleoecological conditions, the
diets of Upper Paleolithic humans seem to have been
less affected by slight changes in vegetation/climatic
conditions but were linked to changes in their
technological complexes. The results of this study
also indicate differences in resource exploitation
strategies between these two hominin groups. We
argue that these differences in subsistence
strategies, if they had already been established at
the time of the first contact between these two
hominin taxa, may have given modern humans an
advantage over the Neandertals, and may have
contributed to the persistence of our species
despite habitat-related changes in food
availabilities associated with climate fluctuations.
(...) |
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Pleistocene Hominins as a Resource for Carnivores: A
c. 500,000-Year-Old Human Femur Bearing Tooth-Marks
in North Africa (Thomas Quarry I, Morocco),
di
C. Daujeard, D. Geraads, R. Gallotti, D. Lefèvre, A.
Mohib, J. P. Raynal, J. J. Hublin, April 27, 2016
DOI: dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0152284
- free access -
In many Middle
Pleistocene sites, the co-occurrence of hominins
with carnivores, who both contributed to faunal
accumulations, suggests competition for resources as
well as for living spaces. Despite this, there is
very little evidence of direct interaction between
them to-date. Recently, a human femoral diaphysis
has been recognized in South-West of Casablanca (Morocco),
in the locality called Thomas Quarry I. This site is
famous for its Middle Pleistocene fossil hominins
considered representatives of Homo rhodesiensis. The
bone was discovered in Unit 4 of the Grotte à
Hominidés (GH), dated to c. 500 ky and was
associated with Acheulean artefacts and a rich
mammalian fauna. Anatomically, it fits well within
the group of known early Middle Pleistocene Homo,
but its chief point of interest is that the
diaphyseal ends display numerous tooth marks showing
that it had been consumed shortly after death by a
large carnivore, probably a hyena. This bone
represents the first evidence of consumption of
human remains by carnivores in the cave. Whether
predated or scavenged, this chewed femur indicates
that humans were a resource for carnivores,
underlining their close relationships during the
Middle Pleistocene in Atlantic Morocco. |
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A
high-precision chronological model for the decorated
Upper Paleolithic cave of Chauvet-Pont d’Arc,
Ardèche, France,
di A. Quiles et alii, "Proceedings of the National Academy
of Sciences", April 26, 2016, vol. 113, no. 17, pp.
4670–4675
Radiocarbon dates for the ancient drawings in the
Chauvet-Pont d’Arc Cave revealed ages much older
than expected. These early ages and nature of this
Paleolithic art make this United Nations
Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization
(UNESCO) site indisputably unique. A large,
multidisciplinary dating program has recently mapped
the anthropological evolution associated with the
cave. More than 350 dates (by 14C, U-Th, TL and
36Cl) were obtained over the last 15 y. They include
259 radiocarbon dates, mainly related to the rock
art and human activity in the cave. We present here
more than 80 previously unpublished dates. All of
the dates were integrated into a high-precision
Bayesian model based on archaeological evidence to
securely reconstruct the complete history of the
Chauvet-Pont d’Arc Cave on an absolute timescale. It
shows that there were two distinct periods of human
activity in the cave, one from 37 to 33,500 y ago,
and the other from 31 to 28,000 y ago. Cave bears
also took refuge in the cave until 33,000 y ago.
·
Diecimila anni in più per le pitture rupestri di
Chauvet, "Le Scienze", 13 aprile 2016 |
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Novel
collagen fingerprinting identifies a Neanderthal
bone among 2,000 fragments,
April 22, 2016
Scientists from the
universities of Oxford and Manchester have used a
new molecular fingerprinting technique to identify
one Neanderthal bone from around 2,000 bone
fragments. All the tiny pieces of bone were
recovered from a key archaeological site, Denisova
Cave in Russia, with the remaining fragments found
to be from animal species like mammoths, woolly
rhino, wolf and reindeer. It is the first time that
researchers have identified traces of an extinct
human from an archaeological site using a technique
called 'Zooarchaeology by Mass Spectrometry' or
ZooMS. From just a microscopic sample of bone, their
analysis revealed the collagen peptide sequences in
the bone that mark out one species from another.
(...) |
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Revised stratigraphy and chronology for Homo
floresiensis at Liang Bua in Indonesia,
di T. Sutikna et alii, "Nature" 532, pp.
366–369 (21 April 2016)
Homo floresiensis, a
primitive hominin species discovered in Late
Pleistocene sediments at Liang Bua (Flores,
Indonesia), has generated wide interest and
scientific debate. A major reason this taxon is
controversial is because the H. floresiensis-bearing
deposits, which include associated stone artefacts
and remains of other extinct endemic fauna, were
dated to between about 95 and 12 thousand calendar
years (kyr) ago. These ages suggested that H.
floresiensis survived until long after modern humans
reached Australia by ~50 kyr ago. Here we report new
stratigraphic and chronological evidence from Liang
Bua that does not support the ages inferred
previously for the H. floresiensis holotype
(LB1),~18 thousand calibrated radiocarbon years
before present (kyr cal. BP), or the time of last
appearance of this species (about 17 or 13–11 kyr cal.
BP). Instead, the skeletal remains of H.
floresiensis and the deposits containing them are
dated to between about 100 and 60 kyr ago, whereas
stone artefacts attributable to this species range
from about 190 to 50 kyr in age. Whether H.
floresiensis survived after 50 kyr ago—potentially
encountering modern humans on Flores or other
hominins dispersing through southeast Asia, such as
Denisovans—is an open question.
·
Una nuova datazione "invecchia" l'Hobbit di Flores,
"Le Scienze", 30 marzo 2016 |
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Middle
Paleolithic sites of Katta Sai in western Tian Shan
piedmont, Central Asiatic loess zone:
Geoarchaeological investigation of the site
formation and the integrity of the lithic
assemblages, di
M. T. Krajcarz et alii, "Quaternary
International", Volume 399, 18 April 2016, Pages
136–150 This
paper presents the results of a large-scale
fieldwork project of interdisciplinary studies on
the Middle Paleolithic settlement in the western
Tian Shan piedmont. A complex of newly discovered
“loess Paleolithic” open-air sites near Yangiobod
(Uzbekistan), Katta Sai, was excavated. The
excavations allowed identification of a new variant
of human adaptation in the regional Middle
Paleolithic. In the light of the newest
anthropological and genetic data, this new
archaeological sites fit to the current studies on
the relations between different human species during
the Middle and Early Upper Paleolithic in Central
Asia. Geoarchaeological investigation of the sites
has shown that the Paleolithic assemblages of Katta
Sai are not preserved in situ. Cultural levels
suffered from rill erosion, and most of the
artifacts were re-deposited by water flow, and
accumulated in secondary positions on the bottom of
the branched rill system. This paper aims to
reconstruct the subsequent processes of the site
formation and to present the complicated geological
situation of the studied sites of the Katta Sai
complex, with implication for the archaeological
interpretation of Paleolithic assemblages of the
region. |
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Vladimir is thrilled by the Sungarian man,
14-APR-2016
Archaeologists from the Lomonosov Moscow State
University studied the objects made of bone, antler
and ivory, that were found at the Sungir
archaeological site. They managed to learn how the
Homo sapiens processed solid organic materials and
produced tools and ornamentals. The work was
published in a specialized digest Hugo Obermaier
Society for Quaternary Research and Archaeology of
the Stone Age. Scientists from the MSU studied the
objects found on the Sungir site. The work has
allowed to establish that Sungir was the base camp
for an ancient man -- in contrast to the encampement
Rusaniha located 8 km away from Sungir. One of the
authors, Taisiya Soldatova (Ph.D., Faculty of
Foreign Languages and Regional Studies, MSU), also
reports that further study of the items found in the
standmay help to determine the place of the monument
in the Upper Paleolithic of Europe. (...) |
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Debate Erupts over Strange New Human Species,
di K. Wong, "Scientific American", April 8, 2016
When scientists
unveiled the fossil remains of a newly discovered
human species from South Africa called Homo
naledilast September, the find electrified audiences
around the world. It was an astonishing haul: some
1,550 specimens representing at least 15 individuals,
recovered over just a few weeks of intensive
excavation from the Rising Star Cave system outside
Johannesburg. But it was the researchers’ favored
explanation for how the remains ended up in the
cave, more than the fossils themselves, that
captured the public imagination and jolted the
paleoanthropology community. They proposed that this
creature—whose geologic age is unknown but who was
clearly primitive; it had a brain the size of an
orange—had deliberately disposed of its dead there.
Many experts consider this behavior exclusive to our
own far brainier species, H. sapiens. (...) |
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The Divergence of Neandertal and Modern Human Y
Chromosomes,
di F. L. Mendez, G. D. Poznik, S. Castellano, C. D.
Bustamante, "The American Journal of Human Genetics",
Volume 98, Issue 4, pp. 728–734, 7 April 2016
- free access -
A central goal of
human population genetics and paleoanthropology is
to elucidate the relationships among ancient
populations. Before the emergence of anatomically
modern humans in the Middle Pleistocene ~200
thousand years ago (kya), archaic humans lived
across Africa, Europe, and Asia in highly
differentiated populations. Modern human populations
that expanded out of Africa in the Upper Pleistocene
received a modest genetic contribution from at least
two archaic hominin groups, the Neandertals and
Denisovans. Especially in light of hypothesized
genetic incompatibilities between Neandertals and
modern humans,6 it is important to characterize
differentiation between their ancestral populations
and to investigate potential barriers to gene flow.
(...)
·
La scomparsa del cromosoma Y neanderthaliano, "Le
Scienze", 07 aprile 2016 |
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State of the art of the
multidisciplinary research at the Middle Pleistocene
Qesem Cave, Israel, 2015,
"Quaternary International", Volume 398, Pages 1-258
(4 April 2016) - Edited by Avi Gopher and Ran Barkai:
-
State of the art of the multidisciplinary research
at Middle Pleistocene Qesem Cave, Israel, 2015 – An
introduction
- New ESR/U-series dates in Yabrudian and Amudian
layers at Qesem Cave, Israel
- Amudian versus Yabrudian under the rock shelf: A
study of two lithic assemblages from Qesem Cave,
Israel
- Regional variability in late Lower Paleolithic
Amudian blade technology: Analyzing new data from
Qesem, Tabun and Yabrud I
- Raw material choices in Amudian versus Yabrudian
lithic assemblages at Qesem Cave: A preliminary
evaluation
- Knowledge transmission and apprentice
flint-knappers in the Acheulo-Yabrudian: A case
study from Qesem Cave, Israel
- A scraper's life history: Morpho-techno-functional
and use-wear analysis of Quina and demi-Quina
scrapers from Qesem Cave, Israel
- On Quina and demi-Quina scraper handling:
Preliminary results from the late Lower Paleolithic
site of Qesem Cave, Israel
- Spatial aspects as seen from a density analysis of
lithics at Middle Pleistocene Qesem Cave:
Preliminary results and observations
- On anachronism: The curious presence of Spheroids
and Polyhedrons at Acheulo–Yabrudian Qesem Cave,
Israel
- Dental calculus reveals potential respiratory
irritants and ingestion of essential plant-based
nutrients at Lower Palaeolithic Qesem Cave Israel
- How did the Qesem Cave people use their teeth?
Analysis of dental wear patterns
- New Middle Pleistocene dental remains from Qesem
Cave (Israel)
- The Qesem Cave hominin material (part 1): A
morphometric analysis of the mandibular premolars
and molar
- The Qesem Cave hominin material (part 2): A
morphometric analysis of dm2-QC2 deciduous lower
second molar
- What happens around a fire: Faunal processing
sequences and spatial distribution at Qesem Cave
(300 ka), Israel
- Mammalian mitochondrial capture, a tool for rapid
screening of DNA preservation in faunal and
undiagnostic remains, and its application to Middle
Pleistocene specimens from Qesem Cave (Israel)
- Palaeoecological and biostratigraphical
implications of the microvertebrates of Qesem Cave
in Israel
- The microvertebrates of Qesem Cave: A comparison
of the two concentrations
- Paleolithic caves and hillslope processes in
south-western Samaria, Israel: Environmental and
archaeological |
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Our
ancestors may have mated more than once with
mysterious ancient humans,
di L. Wade, "Science-News", Mar, 28, 2016
It looked like an ordinary finger bone. But when
researchers sequenced its DNA in 2010, they
uncovered the existence of a group of ancient humans
no one had seen before: the Denisovans. Then came an
even bigger surprise. Some modern humans also carry
Denisovan DNA, meaning that at some point in the
ancient past, Denisovans and modern humans mated and
had children. Now, a new study concludes that all
that free love had some dark consequences, including
male offspring that were likely sterile. In the
absence of much fossil evidence, the best way to
study Denisovans is through the genes they left
behind in modern humans. So population geneticists
Sriram Sankararaman at the University of California
(UC), Los Angeles, and David Reich at Harvard
University sifted through 257 genomes of present-day
people from 120 non-African populations around the
world. (Africans, whose ancestors didn’t leave Homo
sapiens’s original home, do not have any Denisovan
heritage.) They confirmed an earlier finding that
among humans living today, people from Papua New
Guinea, Australia, and other parts of Oceania have
the most Denisovan ancestry, between 3% and 6% of
their genomes. This compares with about 2% from
Neandertals for all non-African genomes. (...) |
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Impact of meat and Lower Palaeolithic food
processing techniques on chewing in humans,
di K. D. Zink, D. E. Lieberman, "Nature" 531, pp.
500–503 (24 March 2016)
The origins of the
genus Homo are murky, but by H. erectus, bigger
brains and bodies had evolved that, along with
larger foraging ranges, would have increased the
daily energetic requirements of hominins. Yet H.
erectus differs from earlier hominins in having
relatively smaller teeth, reduced chewing muscles,
weaker maximum bite force capabilities, and a
relatively smaller gut. This paradoxical combination
of increased energy demands along with decreased
masticatory and digestive capacities is hypothesized
to have been made possible by adding meat to the
diet6, by mechanically processing food using
stone tools, or by cooking. Cooking, however, was
apparently uncommon until 500,000 years ago, and the
effects of carnivory and Palaeolithic processing
techniques on mastication are unknown. Here we
report experiments that tested how Lower
Palaeolithic processing technologies affect chewing
force production and efficacy in humans consuming
meat and underground storage organs (USOs). We find
that if meat comprised one-third of the diet, the
number of chewing cycles per year would have
declined by nearly 2 million (a 13% reduction) and
total masticatory force required would have declined
by 15%. Furthermore, by simply slicing meat and
pounding USOs, hominins would have improved their
ability to chew meat into smaller particles by 41%,
reduced the number of chews per year by another 5%,
and decreased masticatory force requirements by an
additional 12%. Although cooking has important
benefits, it appears that selection for smaller
masticatory features in Homo would have been
initially made possible by the combination of using
stone tools and eating meat. |
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Nuclear DNA sequences from the Middle Pleistocene
Sima de los Huesos hominins,
di M. Meyer et alii, "Nature" 531, pp.
504–507 (24 March 2016)
A unique assemblage of
28 hominin individuals, found in Sima de los Huesos
in the Sierra de Atapuerca in Spain, has recently
been dated to approximately 430,000 years ago1. An
interesting question is how these Middle Pleistocene
hominins were related to those who lived in the Late
Pleistocene epoch, in particular to Neanderthals in
western Eurasia and to Denisovans, a sister group of
Neanderthals so far known only from southern
Siberia. While the Sima de los Huesos hominins share
some derived morphological features with
Neanderthals, the mitochondrial genome retrieved
from one individual from Sima de los Huesos is more
closely related to the mitochondrial DNA of
Denisovans than to that of Neanderthals2. However,
since the mitochondrial DNA does not reveal the full
picture of relationships among populations, we have
investigated DNA preservation in several individuals
found at Sima de los Huesos. Here we recover nuclear
DNA sequences from two specimens, which show that
the Sima de los Huesos hominins were related to
Neanderthals rather than to Denisovans, indicating
that the population divergence between Neanderthals
and Denisovans predates 430,000 years ago. A
mitochondrial DNA recovered from one of the
specimens shares the previously described
relationship to Denisovan mitochondrial DNAs,
suggesting, among other possibilities, that the
mitochondrial DNA gene pool of Neanderthals turned
over later in their history.
·
Chi era l'uomo di Sima de los Huesos, "Le Scienze",
14 marzo 2016 |
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Rich sexual past between
modern humans and Neandertals revealed,
di A. Gibbons, "Science-News", Mar. 17, 2016
Only a bit of the
DNA coiled inside the cells of Europeans and Asians
comes from Neandertals, but those snippets have
sparked a flurry of research. In the past few years,
researchers have traced them to one or two ancient
encounters with our extinct cousins. Now, a report
published online in Science this week details a far
richer sexual past for modern humans and their
archaic cousins, one that played out at multiple
times and places over the past 60,000 years. By
developing powerful new statistical methods, an
international team has identified how often and on
which continents modern humans, Neandertals, and a
second kind of archaic human called Denisovans met
and mated. The researchers conclude that if you’re
an East Asian, you have three Neandertals in your
family tree; Europeans and South Asians have two,
and Melanesians only one. (Africans, whose ancestors
did not mate with Neandertals, have none.) Add in
two additional liaisons known only from fossil DNA,
and the ancestors of modern humans and Neandertals
mixed it up at least five times. (Any matings that
produced no offspring can’t be traced.) Meanwhile,
the Denisovans bred at least once with Melanesians.
“It was apparently separate events, so not just one
single happy party at some point,” says evolutionary
biologist Alan
Cooper of the University of Adelaide
in Australia, who was not part of the new study.
(...) |
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Dietary options and behavior suggested by plant
biomarker evidence in an early human habitat,
di C. R. Magill, G. M. Ashley, M. Domínguez-Rodrigo,
K. H. Freeman, "Proceedings of the National Academy
of Sciences", March 15, 2016, vol. 113, no. 11, pp.
2874–2879 The
availability of plants and freshwater shapes the
diets and social behavior of chimpanzees, our
closest living relative. However, limited evidence
about the spatial relationships shared between
ancestral human (hominin) remains, edible resources,
refuge, and freshwater leaves the influence of local
resources on our species’ evolution open to debate.
Exceptionally well-preserved organic geochemical
fossils—biomarkers—preserved in a soil horizon
resolve different plant communities at meter scales
across a contiguous 25,000 m2 archaeological land
surface at Olduvai Gorge from about 2 Ma. Biomarkers
reveal hominins had access to aquatic plants and
protective woods in a patchwork landscape, which
included a spring-fed wetland near a woodland that
both were surrounded by open grassland. Numerous
cut-marked animal bones are located within the
wooded area, and within meters of wetland vegetation
delineated by biomarkers for ferns and sedges. Taken
together, plant biomarkers, clustered bone debris,
and hominin remains define a clear spatial pattern
that places animal butchery amid the refuge of an
isolated forest patch and near freshwater with
diverse edible resources. |
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A method for finding
stratified sites: Early Upper Palaeolithic sites in
southern Moravia, di P. Škrdla,
L. Nejman, T. Rychtaříková, "Journal of Field
Archaeology", Volume 41, Issue 1, 2016
There are several hundred recorded Early Upper
Palaeolithic sites in Moravia, most of which are
surface sites. The majority were exposed by
agricultural plowing and subsequently discovered by
pedestrian surveys whereas most of the stratified
sites were found accidentally. Numerous unsystematic
attempts in the past to find stratified remnants of
sites disturbed by plowing have been unsuccessful.
Here we present a methodology for locating
stratified Early Upper Palaeolithic cultural
contexts based on distribution of surface scatters.
This involves pedestrian surveys guided by
background research. All Palaeolithic artifacts were
recorded using a handheld GPS with particular
attention to calcium carbonate crust on artifact
surfaces, which can be indicators of nearby
stratified deposits. Exploratory test pits were then
excavated followed by systematic excavations if the
potential for stratified cultural deposits was
deemed high. |
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New
Middle Palaeolithic sites from the Mani Peninsula,
Southern Greece,
di V. Tourloukis et alli, "Journal of Field
Archaeology", Volume 41, Issue 1, 2016
We
here report the first results from a systematic
research project in Mani (Southern Greece), which
includes survey and test excavations. Forty-six
caves, rockshelters and open-air sites in lowland
settings were surveyed. Geomorphological data were
collected in order to assess how geological
processes affect the preservation of sites and bias
site distribution patterns. Artifacts manufactured
from non-local rock indicate potential raw material
transfers and suggest links among the different
regions of Mani, related to mobility patterns. Our
research in the Mani has nearly doubled the number
of known Middle Palaeolithic sites from the region
and confirmed that the peninsula has the strongest
‘Neanderthal signal’ identified to date in Greece.
Almost all sites are located at coastal areas.
Despite the influence of Pleistocene landscape
dynamics, this distribution emerges as a persistent
pattern, perhaps indicating a preference for coastal
locations. The Neanderthal occupation of Mani can
illuminate important aspects of Middle Palaeolithic
adaptation in one of the southernmost coastal
regions of Europe. |
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The
Muddle in the Middle Pleistocene: The Lower–Middle
Paleolithic Transition from the Levantine
Perspective, di
A. Malinsky-Buller, "Journal of World Prehistory",
March 2016, Volume 29, Issue 1, pp 1-78
The terms Lower Palaeolithic and Middle Palaeolithic
represent research constructs within which cultural
evolution and prehistoric hominin behaviours can be
studied, with the transition usually understood as
marking a watershed in our evolution: an adaptation
with a million-year record of success that gives way
to something new. The interpretation of the Lower
Palaeolithic Acheulian technocomplex is usually
understood as a period of cultural stasis that
extends over much of Africa and Eurasia, principally
associated with Homo erectus. Those innovations that
can be observed occur widely separated from one
another in space and time. Yet a closer and more
detailed examination of the Middle Pleistocene
records from East Africa, southern Africa, Europe
and the Levant reveals significant variation in
cultural repertoires. A kind of paradox emerges, in
which an Old World Lower Palaeolithic, apparently
lacking an overall dynamic of distinctive and
directed change in terms of cumulative variation
over time, nevertheless culminates in a transition
which sees the universal appearance of the Middle
Palaeolithic. The two main hypotheses that have been
advanced to explain the global transition, which
happens essentially synchronously, appear mutually
exclusive and contradictory. One view is that
altered climatic-environmental constraints enabled
and encouraged an ‘Out-of-Africa’ dispersal (or
dispersals) of a new type of genus Homo. This
cultural replacement model has been challenged more
recently by the alternative hypothesis of
accumulating but unrelated and temporally non-linked
regional, and in fact potentially autochthonous,
processes. The Levant, by virtue of its position
bridging Africa and Eurasia (thus being the region
into which any out-of-Africa groups would have had
first to disperse into), must be seen as a critical
region for assessing the relative merits of these
competing hypotheses. This paper deals with the
Lower–Middle Paleolithic boundary in the Levant
within a long temporal perspective. The Middle
Pleistocene record in the Levant enables us to
examine the amplitude of variation within each
techno-complex, as well as to question whether there
are diachronic changes in the amplitude of
techno-typological variations as well as changes in
the manner by which they appear in the record. The
results carry significant implications for
understandings of demographic and societal processes
during the Lower–Middle Paleolithic transition in
the Levant. |
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Site formation and chronology of the new Paleolithic
site Sima de Las Palomas de Teba, southern Spain,
di M. Kehl et alii, "Quaternary Research",
Volume 85, Issue 2, March 2016, Pages 313–331
The newly identified
Paleolithic site Sima de Las Palomas de Teba hosts
an almost seven-m-thick sediment profile
investigated here to elucidate the rock shelter's
chronostratigraphy and formation processes. At its
base, the sediment sequence contains rich
archeological deposits recording intensive
occupation by Neanderthals. Luminescence provides a
terminus ante quem of 39.4 ± 2.6 ka or 44.9 ± 4.1 ka
(OSL) and 51.4 ± 8.4 ka (TL). This occupation ended
with a rockfall event followed by accumulation of
archeologically sterile sediments. These were
covered by sediments containing few Middle
Paleolithic artifacts, which either indicate
ephemeral occupation by Neanderthals or reworking as
suggested by micromorphological features. Above this
unit, scattered lithic artifacts of undiagnostic
character may represent undefined Paleolithic
occupations. Sediment burial ages between about 23.0
± 1.5 ka (OSL) and 40.5 ± 3.4 ka (pIRIR) provide an
Upper Paleolithic chronology for sediments deposited
above the rockfall. Finally, a dung-bearing Holocene
layer in the uppermost part of the sequence contains
a fragment of a human mandible dated to 4032 ± 39
14C yr BP. Overall, the sequence represents an
important new site for studying the end of
Neanderthal occupation in southern Spain. |
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The
role of neurocranial shape in defining the
boundaries of an expanded Homo erectus hypodigm,
di K. L. Baab, "Journal of Human Evolution", Volume
92, March 2016, Pages 1–21
The
main goals of this study were to evaluate the
distinctiveness of Homo erectus neurocranial shape
relative to other closely related species, and
assess the likelihood that particular fossils were
correctly attributed to H. erectus given how shape
variation related to geography, time and brain size.
This was accomplished through analyses of several
sets of landmarks designed to maximize the fossil
sample, including 24 putative H. erectus fossils.
The question of taxonomic differentiation was
initially assessed for the type specimen (Trinil II)
and morphologically similar Sangiran fossils and
subsequently for increasingly inclusive definitions
of H. erectus. Results indicated that H. erectus
fossils from China, Indonesia, Georgia and East
Africa shared a neurocranial shape that was distinct
from that of other Plio-Pleistocene Homo taxa, a
pattern only partially accounted for by brain size.
Early Indonesian H. erectus formed a morphological
“bridge” between earlier and later populations
assigned to H. erectus from Africa and Asia,
respectively. These results were combined with
discrete characters to create a more complete
species definition for H. erectus. There were two
notable exceptions to the general pattern of H.
erectus uniqueness. The 0.8–1.0 Ma (millions of
years ago) Daka calvaria from Ethiopia consistently
grouped with mid-Pleistocene Homo, including Bodo
and Kabwe, rather than African or Asian H. erectus.
In addition, Daka also exhibited several traits
derived for mid-Pleistocene Homo, and its scaling
pattern mirrored mid-Pleistocene Homo rather than H.
erectus. Daka may have belonged to an “advanced” H.
erectus population close to the root of Homo
heidelbergensis sensu lato (s.l.), or to an early
population of H. heidelbergensis s.l.. The 1.5 Ma
KNM-ER 42700 specimen from Kenya exhibited a unique
calvarial shape distinct from H. erectus despite the
exclusion of problematic landmarks from the frontal
bone. These unique aspects of shape were not present
in two other subadult fossils, KNM-WT 15000 and
D2700. |
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Brain, calvarium, cladistics:
A new approach to an old question, who are modern
humans and Neandertals?,
di A. Mounier, A. Balzeau, M. Caparros, D.
Grimaud-Hervé, "Journal of Human Evolution", Volume
92, March 2016, Pages 22–36
The
evolutionary history of the genus Homo is the focus
of major research efforts in palaeoanthropology.
However, the use of palaeoneurology to infer
phylogenies of our genus is rare. Here we use
cladistics to test the importance of the brain in
differentiating and defining Neandertals and modern
humans. The analysis is based on morphological data
from the calvarium and endocast of Pleistocene
fossils and results in a single most parsimonious
cladogram. We demonstrate that the joint use of
endocranial and calvarial features with cladistics
provides a unique means to understand the evolution
of the genus Homo. The main results of this study
indicate that: (i) the endocranial features are more
phylogenetically informative than the characters
from the calvarium; (ii) the specific
differentiation of Neandertals and modern humans is
mostly supported by well-known calvarial
autapomorphies; (iii) the endocranial anatomy of
modern humans and Neandertals show strong
similarities, which appeared in the fossil record
with the last common ancestor of both species; and (iv)
apart from encephalisation, human endocranial
anatomy changed tremendously during the end of the
Middle Pleistocene. This may be linked to major
cultural and technological novelties that had
happened by the end of the Middle Pleistocene (e.g.,
expansion of the Middle Stone Age (MSA) in Africa
and Mousterian in Europe). The combined study of
endocranial and exocranial anatomy offers
opportunities to further understand human evolution
and the implication for the phylogeny of our genus. |
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Comparative perspective on
antemortem tooth loss in Neandertals,
di C. C. Gilmore, T. D. Weaver, "Journal of Human
Evolution", Volume 92, March 2016, Pages 80–90
Neandertal specimens with severe antemortem (before
death) tooth loss (AMTL) are sometimes interpreted
as evidence for human-like behaviors in Neandertals,
such as conspecific care or cooking, although it is
uncertain whether AMTL frequencies in Neandertals
are similar to those in modern humans and exceed
those in non-human primates. This study
characterizes AMTL (all tooth types) in Neandertals
relative to recent human hunter-gatherers and
several non-human primate taxa using binomial-normal
regression models fit in a Bayesian framework to a
sample of 25 Neandertals, 310 recent human
hunter-gatherers, 61 chimpanzees, 38 orangutans, and
75 baboons. The probability that a tooth is lost
antemortem is modeled to depend on tooth class,
taxon, and estimated age at death. Neandertals have
odds of AMTL above orangutans and baboons, similar
to or somewhat lower than chimpanzees, and below
recent humans, if we assume a human-like rate of
senescence; or intermediate between chimpanzees and
recent humans, if we assume a faster rate of
senescence. These findings suggest that Neandertals
can only be considered to have frequencies of AMTL
above non-human primates if they had more rapid life
histories than modern humans. Either Neandertals are
not human-like in their life history or their
frequency of AMTL. These interpretations are
complicated, however, by the substantial
inter-population variation in AMTL among recent
humans, with some populations having odds of AMTL as
low as in non-human primates. These results,
together with theoretical considerations, suggest
that only high frequencies of AMTL are diagnostic of
behavior. Consequently, the behavioral implications
of low frequencies of AMTL, such as those found in
Neandertals, are ambiguous. Low frequencies in
Neandertals could be because they had a low risk of
AMTL rather than because they had high mortality
from AMTL relative to an average modern human of
similar age. |
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The Oldest Evidence for Human Habitation in the
Baltic Region: A Preliminary Report on the
Chronology and Archaeological Context of the
Riadino-5 Archaeological Site,
di O. Druzhinina, A. Molodkov, A. Bitinas, E.
Bregman, "Geoarchaeology", Volume 31, Issue 2, pages
156–164, March/April 2016
We report the
discovery of the oldest evidence for human presence
in the southeastern Baltic Sea region. This paper
presents an overview of the Riadino-5 archaeological
site in the lower course of the Šešupė River (Kaliningrad
Oblast of Russia) and direct infrared stimulated
luminescence (IRSL) ages for the culture-bearing
sediments from the site, which place the time of
occupation well within the range of Marine Isotope
Stage (MIS) 3 (ca 57–26 ka). Luminescence ages were
determined using the multiple-aliquot additive-dose
technique, applied to sand-sized potassium feldspar.
Four of the six IRSL samples from the site come from
the cultural deposits, while two are from the
surrounding sediments. The luminescence age of the
deposits implies that human occupation of the
southeastern Baltic Sea region occurred at least
between 50 ka and 44 ka during the first half of MIS
3 and the Middle-Upper Paleolithic. |
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Making Sense of Residues on Flaked Stone Artefacts:
Learning from Blind Tests,
di V. Rots, E. Hayes, D. Cnuts, C. Lepers, R.
Fullagar, March 1, 2016, DOI: 10.1371/journal.pone.0150437
- free access -
Residue analysis has
become a frequently applied method for identifying
prehistoric stone tool use. Residues adhering to the
stone tool with varying frequencies are interpreted
as being the result of an intentional contact with
the worked material during use. Yet, other processes
during the life cycle of a stone tool or after
deposition may leave residues and these residues may
potentially lead to misinterpretations. We present a
blind test that was designed to examine this issue.
Results confirm that production, retouch, prehension,
hafting, various incidental contacts during use and
deposition may lead to residue depositions that
significantly affect the accurateness of
identifications of tool-use. All currently applied
residue approaches are concerned. We therefore argue
for a closer interaction with independent wear
studies and a step-wise procedure in which a low
magnification of wear traces is used as a first step
for selecting potentially used flakes in
archaeological contexts. In addition, residue
concentrations on a tool’s edge should be
sufficiently dense before linking them with use.
(...) |
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The Initial Magdalenian mosaic:
New evidence from Urtiaga cave, Guipúzcoa, Spain,
di L. M. Fontes, "Journal of Anthropological
Archaeology", Volume 41, March 2016, Pages 109–131
Transitional moments in prehistory are of broad
interest in archaeology. Immediately following the
Last Glacial Maximum, two technological shifts
occurred in SW Europe: in France, at ~18,000 uncal.
BP, an industry characterized by large Solutrean
projectiles was replaced by the well-defined
Badegoulian industry; a thousand years later in
Vasco-Cantabrian Spain, Solutrean technologies were
gradually replaced by Magdalenian antler point (sagaie)
and lithic inset composite weapons. The Solutrean–Magdalenian
transition remains ill-defined in Vasco-Cantabria,
where very few “transitional” assemblages dating to
the c. 17–16,000 uncal. BP interval have been
identified, leaving questions as to how the changes
occurred and what kinds of relationships existed
between French and Spanish groups during this period.
Urtiaga cave (Guipúzcoa) Level F (17,050 ± 140 uncal.
BP) contributes a new Initial Magdalenian
archaeological sample to the discussion of Last
Glacial behavioral change during a technological
transition. This paper synthesizes the results of a
detailed lithic analysis with findings from previous
studies of fauna and osseous industry from Urtiaga
Level F. Then, the analysis explores Initial
Magdalenian organizational behaviors through a
series of lithic procurement/mobility models that
show dynamic land use in eastern Vasco-Cantabria.
Finally, Urtiaga Level F was compared to four other
Initial Magdalenian occupations in the region,
demonstrating that lithic maintenance—in manufacture,
use, and rejuvenation—was a significant factor in
how Initial Magdalenian groups organized their
landscape-level behavioral strategies. The
archaeological assemblages from Urtiaga cave are
important contributions to archaeological questions
surrounding the Solutrean–Magdalenian transition,
providing further evidence for in situ technological
change in Vasco-Cantabria. Additionally, the
economic analyses discussed in this paper provide
new attributes that archaeologists can use to
identify Initial Magdalenian sites on the landscape.
This study develops a methodological procedure that
is broadly applicable to archaeological studies
related to prehistoric cultural transitions and to
those studies that apply data from collections
recovered during the early 20th century to modern
interpretive frameworks. |
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The lithic assemblage from
Pont-de-Lavaud (Indre, France) and the role of the
bipolar-on-anvil technique in the Lower and Early
Middle Pleistocene technology,
di A. de Lombera-Hermida et alii, "Journal of
Anthropological Archaeology", Volume 41, March 2016,
Pages 159–184
The
lithic assemblage of the Pont-de-Lavaud site (Indre,
France) shows a technical choice within the Lower
Pleistocene European Mode 1 sites, which is defined
by the widespread use of the bipolar-on-anvil
knapping technique. Although it is traditionally
considered an expedient percussion method, in this
lithic assemblage a selective technical behavior
regarding the reduction methods and raw material is
identified. In this respect, different knapping
methods are applied in accordance with a combination
of the percussion axis and the recurrence of the
reduction series. These features are also observed
in the archaeological record from other Lower and
Middle Pleistocene sites, which are discussed in the
text. The role of this knapping technique in the
hominin technology is, in our opinion, greater than
previously believed. Its implementation cannot be
considered as proof of opportunistic or expedient
activities. The bipolar-on-anvil technique is
applied in different contexts, on different raw
materials and as a technical choice or gesture in
the reduction sequences. Because of its low
technical requirements, it can be considered as a
successful technological strategy for overcoming raw
material constraints for producing some specific
types of pieces. Its ubiquitous presence, both from
a diachronic and geographical point of view, is
proof of its considerable technical versatility and,
hence, of Mode 1 hominin technological flexibility
and capabilities. |
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Distribution patterns of stone-tool reduction:
Establishing frames of reference to approximate
occupational features and formation processes in
Paleolithic societies,
di J. I. Morales, "Journal of Anthropological
Archaeology", Volume 41, March 2016, Pages 231–245
The
main goal of this work is to illustrate the
interpretative potential of regionally oriented
tool-use-life approaches to infer patterns of
mobility, occupational intensity, and assemblage
formation processes. We apply a wide reduction
analysis to 15 Late Upper Paleolithic lithic
assemblages. We perform an exploratory data analysis
to observe reduction intensity tendencies among the
different assemblages, and we characterize reduction
distribution patterns using Weibull probability
distribution functions. To avoid sampling effects,
resampling and bootstrapping were performed. The
Weibull profiles of the analyzed data show different
degrees of occupational intensity and/or length that
are not observable through the classical
techno-typological approaches. A referential
reduction space is also simulated to create a frame
to interpret our results in a more absolute scale. |
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Neandertals may have used chemistry to start fires,
di L. Wade, "Science News", Feb. 29, 2016
Scientists know a lot
about Neandertals these days, from their hair color
to their mating habits. Still, a basic mystery
remains: Did they know how to start a fire?
Archaeologists have long known that Neandertals,
like the family pictured in this artist’s
representation, used fire, but they could have
merely taken advantage of naturally occurring
lightning strikes and forest fires to supply the
flames. Now, a new hypothesis about some odd
Neandertal artifacts suggests that our distant
cousins could indeed spark a fire from scratch.
Excavations at the 50,000-year-old site Pech-de-l’Azé
I in southwestern France have yielded blocks of
manganese dioxide, which is abundant in the region’s
limestone formations. Archaeologists previously
thought that Neandertals used the substance as a
black pigment to decorate their bodies. But a new
team of researchers points out that charcoal and
soot from their campfires would have made for easier
and more accessible body paint. Plus, the
Neandertals at Pech-de-l’Azé I appeared to have
strongly preferred manganese dioxides to the other
manganese oxides available in their environment,
even though all of the closely related chemicals
would have yielded the same color pigment. So what
can manganese dioxide do that its relatives can’t?
Start fires. Noticing signs of abrasion on some of
the Pech-de-l’Azé I blocks, the scientists ground up
bits of them to produce a powder. When they
sprinkled that powder on a pile of wood, it lowered
the temperature needed to initiate combustion to
250°C, making it much easier to start a fire, they
report today in Scientific Reports. (Untreated wood
failed to ignite at temperatures up to 350°C.) The
researchers can’t rule out other possible Neandertal
uses for manganese dioxide, including body
decoration. But based on their experiments, they
suggest adding fire-starting to the list. |
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Ancient gene flow from early modern humans into
Eastern Neanderthals,
di M. Kuhlwilm et alii, "Nature" 530, pp.
429–433 (25 February 2016)
It has been shown
that Neanderthals contributed genetically to modern
humans outside Africa 47,000–65,000 years ago. Here
we analyse the genomes of a Neanderthal and a
Denisovan from the Altai Mountains in Siberia
together with the sequences of chromosome 21 of two
Neanderthals from Spain and Croatia. We find that a
population that diverged early from other modern
humans in Africa contributed genetically to the
ancestors of Neanderthals from the Altai Mountains
roughly 100,000 years ago. By contrast, we do not
detect such a genetic contribution in the Denisovan
or the two European Neanderthals. We conclude that
in addition to later interbreeding events, the
ancestors of Neanderthals from the Altai Mountains
and early modern humans met and interbred, possibly
in the Near East, many thousands of years earlier
than previously thought.
·
Più di 100.000 anni fa l'incrocio tra sapiens e
Neanderthal, Le Scienze, 18 febbraio 2016
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A simple rule governs the evolution and development
of hominin tooth size,
di A. R. Evans et alii, "Nature" 530, 477–480
(25 February 2016)
The variation in molar tooth size in humans and our
closest relatives (hominins) has strongly influenced
our view of human evolution. The reduction in
overall size and disproportionate decrease in third
molar size have been noted for over a century, and
have been attributed to reduced selection for large
dentitions owing to changes in diet or the
acquisition of cooking. The systematic pattern of
size variation along the tooth row has been
described as a ‘morphogenetic gradient’ in mammal,
and more specifically hominin, teeth since Butler
and Dahlberg. However, the underlying controls of
tooth size have not been well understood, with
hypotheses ranging from morphogenetic fields to the
clone theory. In this study we address the following
question: are there rules that govern how hominin
tooth size evolves? Here we propose that the
inhibitory cascade, an activator–inhibitor mechanism
that affects relative tooth size in mammals,
produces the default pattern of tooth sizes for all
lower primary postcanine teeth (deciduous premolars
and permanent molars) in hominins. This
configuration is also equivalent to a morphogenetic
gradient, finally pointing to a mechanism that can
generate this gradient. The pattern of tooth size
remains constant with absolute size in australopiths
(including Ardipithecus, Australopithecus and
Paranthropus). However, in species of Homo,
including modern humans, there is a tight link
between tooth proportions and absolute size such
that a single developmental parameter can explain
both the relative and absolute sizes of primary
postcanine teeth. On the basis of the relationship
of inhibitory cascade patterning with size, we can
use the size at one tooth position to predict the
sizes of the remaining four primary postcanine teeth
in the row for hominins. Our study provides a
development-based expectation to examine the
evolution of the unique proportions of human teeth.
·
Dall'evoluzione dei denti all'evoluzione di Homo, Le
Scienze, 25 febbraio 2016 |
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An ecocultural model predicts Neanderthal extinction
through competition with modern humans,
di W. Gilpin, M. W. Feldman, K. Aoki, "Proceedings
of the National Academy of Sciences", February 23,
2016, vol. 113, no. 8, pp. 2134-2139
- free access -
Archaeologists argue
that the replacement of Neanderthals by modern
humans was driven by interspecific competition due
to a difference in culture level. To assess the
cogency of this argument, we construct and analyze
an interspecific cultural competition model based on
the Lotka−Volterra model, which is widely used in
ecology, but which incorporates the culture level of
a species as a variable interacting with population
size. We investigate the conditions under which a
difference in culture level between cognitively
equivalent species, or alternatively a difference in
underlying learning ability, may produce competitive
exclusion of a comparatively (although not
absolutely) large local Neanderthal population by an
initially smaller modern human population. We find,
in particular, that this competitive exclusion is
more likely to occur when population growth occurs
on a shorter timescale than cultural change, or when
the competition coefficients of the Lotka−Volterra
model depend on the difference in the culture levels
of the interacting species. (...) |
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Dietary options and behavior suggested by plant
biomarker evidence in an early human habitat,
di C. R. Magill, G. M. Ashley, M. Domínguez-Rodrigo,
K. H. Freeman, "Proceedings of the National Academy
of Sciences-Early Edition",February 22, 2016, doi:
10.1073/pnas.1507055113
The availability of
plants and freshwater shapes the diets and social
behavior of chimpanzees, our closest living
relative. However, limited evidence about the
spatial relationships shared between ancestral human
(hominin) remains, edible resources, refuge, and
freshwater leaves the influence of local resources
on our species’ evolution open to debate.
Exceptionally well-preserved organic geochemical
fossils—biomarkers—preserved in a soil horizon
resolve different plant communities at meter scales
across a contiguous 25,000 m2 archaeological land
surface at Olduvai Gorge from about 2 Ma. Biomarkers
reveal hominins had access to aquatic plants and
protective woods in a patchwork landscape, which
included a spring-fed wetland near a woodland that
both were surrounded by open grassland. Numerous
cut-marked animal bones are located within the
wooded area, and within meters of wetland vegetation
delineated by biomarkers for ferns and sedges. Taken
together, plant biomarkers, clustered bone debris,
and hominin remains define a clear spatial pattern
that places animal butchery amid the refuge of an
isolated forest patch and near freshwater with
diverse edible resources.
·
L'habitat degli antichi ominidi di Olduvai, "Le
Scienze", 24 febbraio 2016 |
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Evidence mounts for interbreeding bonanza in ancient
human species,
di E. Callaway, "Nature News", 17 February 2016
The discovery of yet
another period of interbreeding between early humans
and Neanderthals is adding to the growing sense that
sexual encounters among different ancient human
species were commonplace throughout their history.
“As more early modern humans and archaic humans are
found and sequenced, we’re going to see many more
instances of interbreeding,” says Sergi Castellano,
a population geneticist at the Max Planck Institute
for Evolutionary Anthropology in Leipzig, Germany.
His team discovered the latest example, which they
believe occurred around 100,000 years ago, by
analysing traces of Homo sapiens DNA in a
Neanderthal genome extracted from a toe bone found
in a cave in Siberia. “There is this joke in the
population genetics community — there’s always one
more interbreeding event," Castellano says. So
before researchers discover the next one, here’s a
rundown of the interbreeding episodes that they have
already deduced from studies of ancient DNA.
(...) |
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Neanderthals mated with modern humans much earlier
than previously thought, study finds,
17-FEB-2016
Cold Spring Harbor, NY - Using several different
methods of DNA analysis, an international research
team has found what they consider to be strong
evidence of an interbreeding event between
Neanderthals and modern humans that occurred tens of
thousands of years earlier than any other such event
previously documented. Today in Nature the team
publishes evidence of interbreeding that occurred an
estimated 100,000 years ago. More specifically the
scientists provide the first genetic evidence of a
scenario in which early modern humans left the
African continent and mixed with archaic (now-extinct)
members of the human family prior to the migration
"out of Africa" of the ancestors of present-day
non-Africans, less than 65,000 years ago. "It's been
known for several years, following the first
sequencing of the Neanderthal genome in 2010, that
Neanderthals and humans must have interbred," says
Professor Adam Siepel, a co-team leader and Cold
Spring Harbor Laboratory (CSHL) quantitative
biologist. "But the data so far refers to an event
dating to around 47,000-65,000 years ago, around the
time that human populations emigrated from Africa.
The event we found appears considerably older than
that event." (...) |
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Fossil analysis pushes back human split from other
primates by two million years,
February 16, 2016
A common ancestor of
apes and humans, Chororapithecus abyssinicus,
evolved in Africa, not Eurasia, two million years
earlier than previously thought, a new paper
suggests. |
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The prehistory of the Land of
Nineveh,
di C. C. Barbaro, A. Zerboni, D. Moscone, M.
Cremaschi, M. Iamoni, A. Savioli, D. M. Bonacossi, "Antiquity
Project Gallery", Issue 349, February 2016
Since the middle of the last century, when Ralph
Solecki excavated the Neanderthals at Shanidar and
Robert Braidwood began his work at Jarmo, the ‘hilly
flanks of the Zagros’ have been a mythical place for
the study of prehistory (Braidwood & Howe 1960;
Solecki 1971). Despite its crucial importance for
early human history and its high archaeological
potential, this extensive region—encompassing parts
of Iraq, Iran and Turkey—has, until the recent
establishment of several research projects, not been
subject to systematic exploration. In September
2015, a joint team from the universities of Udine,
Rome (‘La Sapienza’) and Milan initiated a field
project focused on the prehistory of the provinces
of Nineveh (Mosul) and Dohuk, in the northernmost
part of Iraqi Kurdistan. The purpose of this study
is to outline the main chrono-cultural aspects of
the region’s prehistory, from the Lower Palaeolithic
to the early Chalcolithic, and to relate them to
environmental changes that have occurred since the
Middle Pleistocene. This research is part of the
broader ‘Land of Nineveh Archaeological Project’,
led by Udine University, that has been running since
2012 with the aim of understanding the formation and
evolution of the cultural and natural landscape of
this region from the Palaeolithic to the Islamic
period (Morandi Bonacossi & Iamoni 2015). (...) |
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Migrations and interactions in
prehistoric Beringia: the evolution of Yakutian
lithic technology,
di Y. A. Gómez Coutouly, "Antiquity", Volume 90,
Issue 349, February 2016, pp. 9-31
Flaked-tool technology can provide insights into
social and cultural changes and interregional
connections. This study of changing tool production
covers the Upper Palaeolithic to the Late Neolithic
in the Yakutia region of eastern Siberia. This
region is home to the Palaeolithic Dyuktai complex,
the Mesolithic Sumnagin complex and Neolithic
traditions; it thus enables a better understanding
of the material culture of these societies in
Siberia and improves our knowledge of the complex
migration processes towards the New World. |
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First Palaeolithic rock art in
Germany: engravings on Hunsrück slate,
di W. Welker, "Antiquity", Volume 90, Issue 349,
February 2016, pp. 32-47
The
engravings discovered on a slate rock face near the
village of Gondershausen in the Hunsrück Mountains
in 2010 represent the northernmost example of
open-air Palaeolithic rock art in Europe, and the
first in Germany. Analysis of the style and
technique of the Hunsrück images reveals significant
parallels with Palaeolithic cave art from other
parts of Europe, most notably France. The oldest of
the images at Gondershausen—three horses in
particular—may be attributed to the Aurignacian or
Gravettian. The survival of these Palaeolithic
engravings through the Last Glacial Maximum is
testimony to the unusual circumstances of their
preservation. |
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Identification of Late Epigravettian hunting
injuries: Descriptive and 3D analysis of
experimental projectile impact marks on bone,
di R. Duches et alii, "Journal of
Archaeological Science", Volume 66, February 2016,
Pages 88–102
The search for diagnostic criteria useful in hunting
lesions identification is a new branch of
investigation. Though recently there has been an
increase in studies focused on this issue, no
experimental works exist that analyze marks left by
backed, morphologically standardized lithic
projectiles like those used by the hunter-gatherers
that peopled a large part of Europe during the Late
Glacial. As such, this paper aims to provide
comparison data for identifying archaeological Late
Epigravettian projectile impact marks. At the same
time, the potential of 3D scanning microscopy to
distinguish hunting injuries from other taphonomic
marks is assessed. The morphometric analyses, based
on the descriptive criteria developed from other
recent studies, highlight the presence of peculiar
features of experimentally produced drag and
puncture marks. These data are interpreted as a
result of the specific design of Late Epigravettian
lithic projectiles. The outcomes of 3D digital
analysis confirm the crucial role of this
methodological approach in taphonomic study,
offering new clues in PIMs (Projectile Impact Marks)
archaeological identification and distinction from
cut marks, carnivore tooth marks and corrosion
cavities. |
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The first peopling of Europe and technological
change during the Lower-Middle Pleistocene
transition,
"Quaternary International", Volume 393, Pages 1-184
(30 January 2016). Edited by D. Barsky, M. Mosquera,
A. Ollé and X.P. Rodríguez-Álvarez:
- The first peopling of
Europe and technological change during the
Lower-Middle Pleistocene transition
- Structural
continuity and technological change in Lower
Pleistocene toolkits
- Modelling human
presence and environmental dynamics during the
Mid-Pleistocene Revolution: New approaches and tools
- Bois-de-Riquet (Lézignan-la-Cèbe,
Hérault): A late Early Pleistocene archeological
occurrence in southern France
- The first European
peopling and the Italian case: Peculiarities and “opportunism”
- The Early
Pleistocene site of Kermek in western Ciscaucasia (southern
Russia): Stratigraphy, biotic record and lithic
industry (preliminary results)
- Lithic materials in
high fluvial terraces of the central Pyrenean
piedmont (Ebro Basin, Spain)
- The Lower
Palaeolithic site Alto de las Picarazas (Andilla-Chelva,
Valencia)
- The Early Acheulean
technology of Barranc de la Boella (Catalonia, Spain)
- The Acheulean
workshop of la Noira (France, 700 ka) in the
European technological context
- The Middle
Pleistocene site of La Cansaladeta (Tarragona, Spain):
Stratigraphic and archaeological succession
- Assessment of the
Acheulean in Southern Italy: New study on the Atella
site (Basilicata, Italy)
- Mode 1 or mode 2?
“Small tools” in the technical variability of the
European Lower Palaeolithic: The site of Ficoncella
(Tarquinia, Lazio, central Italy) |
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Paleoenvironmental
reconstruction of a paleosol catena, the Zinj
archeological level, Olduvai Gorge, Tanzania,
di S. G. Driese, G. M. Ashley, "Quaternary Research",
Volume 85, Issue 1, January 2016, Pages 133–146
Paleosols record paleoclimatic processes in the
Earth's Critical Zone and are archives of ancient
landscapes associated with archeological sites.
Detailed field, micromorphologic, and bulk
geochemical analysis of paleosols were conducted
near four sites at Olduvai Gorge, Tanzania within
the same stratigraphic horizon as the Zinjanthropus
(Paranthropus) boisei archeological site. Paleosols
are thin (< 35 cm), smectitic, and exhibit Vertisol
shrink–swell features. Traced across the
paleolandscape over 1 km and just beneath Tuff IC
(1.845 Ma), the paleosols record a paleocatena in
which soil moisture at the four sites was
supplemented by seepage additions from adjacent
springs, and soil development was enhanced by this
additional moisture. Field evidence revealed an
abrupt lateral transition in paleosol composition at
the PTK site (< 1.5 m apart) in which paleosol B,
formed nearest the spring system, is highly
siliceous, vs. paleosol A, formed in smectitic clay.
Thin-section investigations combined with
mass-balance geochemistry, using Chapati Tuff as
parent material and assuming immobile Ti, show
moderately intense weathering. Pedotransfer
functions indicate a fertile soil system, but
sodicity may have limited some plant growth.
Paleosol bulk geochemical proxies used to estimate
paleoprecipitation (733–944 mm/yr), are higher than
published estimates of 250–700 mm/yr using δD values
of lipid biomarkers. |
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Geochemical “fingerprints” for
Olduvai Gorge Bed II tuffs and implications for the
Oldowan–Acheulean transition,
di L. J. McHenry, J. K. Njau, I. de la Torre,
Michael C. Pante, "Quaternary Research",Volume 85,
Issue 1, January 2016, Pages 147–158
Bed
II is a critical part of early Pleistocene Olduvai
Gorge, Tanzania. Its deposits include transitions
from humid to more arid conditions (with associated
faunal changes), from Homo habilis to erectus, and
from Oldowan to Acheulean technology. Bed II (~
1.8–1.2 Ma) is stratigraphically and environmentally
complex, with facies changes, faulting, and
unconformities, making site-to-site correlation over
the ~ 20 km of exposure difficult. Bed II tuffs are
thinner, less evenly preserved, and more reworked
than those of Bed I. Five marker tuffs (Tuffs IIA–IID,
Bird Print Tuff (BPT)), plus local tephra, were
collected from multiple sites and characterized
using stratigraphic position, mineral assemblage,
and electron probe microanalysis of phenocryst (feldspar,
hornblende, augite, titanomagnetite) and glass (where
available) composition. Lowermost Bed II tuffs are
dominantly nephelinitic, Middle Bed II tuffs (BPT,
Tuff IIC) have basaltic components, and upper Bed II
Tuff IID is trachytic. The BPT and Tuff IID are
identified widely using phenocryst compositions (high-Ca
plagioclase and high-Ti hornblende, respectively),
though IID was originally (Hay, 1976) misidentified
as Tuff IIC at Loc 91 (SHK Annexe) in the Side
Gorge. This work helps establish a high-resolution
basin-wide paleolandscape context for the Oldowan–Acheulean
transition and helps link hominin, faunal and
archaeological records. |
Aggiornamento del 12 febbraio |
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Demography and the Palaeolithic Archaeological
Record,
di J. C. French, "Journal of Archaeological Method
and Theory", March 2016, Volume 23, Issue 1, pp
150-199
Demographic change has recently re-emerged as a key
explanation for socio-cultural changes documented in
the prehistoric archaeological record. While the
majority of studies of Pleistocene demography have
been conducted by geneticists, the archaeological
records of the Palaeolithic should not be ignored as
a source of data on past population trends. This
paper forms both a comprehensive synthesis and the
first critical review of current archaeological
research into Palaeolithic demography. Within
prevailing archaeological frameworks of dual
inheritance theory and human behavioural ecology, I
review the ways in which demographic change has been
used as an explanatory concept within Palaeolithic
archaeology. I identify and discuss three main
research areas which have benefitted from a
demographic approach to socio-cultural change: (1)
technological stasis in the Lower Palaeolithic, (2)
the Neanderthal-Homo sapiens transition in Europe
and (3) the emergence of behavioural modernity. I
then address the ways in which palaeodemographic
methods have been applied to Palaeolithic datasets,
considering both general methodological concerns and
the challenges specific to this time period. Finally,
I discuss the ability of ethnographic analogy to aid
research into Palaeolithic demography. |
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A
Statistical Examination of Flake Edge Angles
Produced During Experimental Lineal Levallois
Reductions and Consideration of Their Functional
Implications,
di M. I. Eren, S. J. Lycett, "Journal of
Archaeological Method and Theory", March 2016,
Volume 23, Issue 1, pp 379-398
Recent studies have indicated that Levallois-style
core reduction offered potential practical benefits
to hominin populations. However, none of these
studies have yet considered one of the most
important functional attributes of flake tools,
which is edge angle. To address this shortcoming, we
statistically examined flakes produced
experimentally during “classic” or “lineal”
Levallois core production and reduction. The primary
aim of our analyses was to statistically test the
null hypothesis of “no difference” between the edge
angles of “Levallois” products and the flakes
involved in their production. We employ existing
edge angle analytical techniques and develop new
comparative methodologies to assess flake blank
standardization through the case of Levallois core
reduction. Having determined the statistical
properties of our experimental Levallois reductions,
we thereafter evaluated to what extent edge angles
produced may, or may not, have been useful to
prehistoric hominins. Our analyses demonstrated that
the experimentally produced Levallois edge angles
were indeed statistically different from the flakes
involved in their production. These differences were
evident both in terms of relatively higher (i.e.,
more obtuse) edge angles than debitage flakes and in
being significantly less variable around their
higher mean edge angles compared to debitage flakes.
However, based on current knowledge of how flake
edge angle properties relate to issues of
functionality, such differences would not have been
detrimental to their functionality. Indeed, the edge
angle properties they possess would have provided
distinct benefits to hominins engaged in their
manufacture. Most notably, Levallois-style core
organization and reduction would have provided
hominins with a reliable means of consistently
producing flakes (i.e., “Levallois flakes”)
possessing average flake angles that are beneficial
in terms of providing a viable cutting edge yet not
being so acute as to be friable upon application.
Hence, edge angle properties join an array of other
features that provide logical motive for why
hominins may have organized core production and
reduction around Levallois-style patterns at various
times and places during the Mid-Late Pleistocene. |
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The phenotypic legacy of admixture between modern
humans and Neandertals,
di C. N. Simonti et alii, "Science", 12 Feb
2016, Vol. 351, Issue 6274, pp. 737-741
- free access -
Many modern human
genomes retain DNA inherited from interbreeding with
archaic hominins, such as Neandertals, yet the
influence of this admixture on human traits is
largely unknown. We analyzed the contribution of
common Neandertal variants to over 1000 electronic
health record (EHR)–derived phenotypes in ~28,000
adults of European ancestry. We discovered and
replicated associations of Neandertal alleles with
neurological, psychiatric, immunological, and
dermatological phenotypes. Neandertal alleles
together explained a significant fraction of the
variation in risk for depression and skin lesions
resulting from sun exposure (actinic keratosis), and
individual Neandertal alleles were significantly
associated with specific human phenotypes, including
hypercoagulation and tobacco use. Our results
establish that archaic admixture influences disease
risk in modern humans, provide hypotheses about the
effects of hundreds of Neandertal haplotypes, and
demonstrate the utility of EHR data in evolutionary
analyses. (...) |
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Why Was Silcrete Heat-Treated in the Middle Stone
Age? An Early Transformative Technology in the
Context of Raw Material Use at Mertenhof Rock
Shelter, South Africa,
di P. Schmidt, A. Mackay, February 11, 2016, DOI:
10.1371/journal.pone.0149243
- free access -
People heat treated
silcrete during the Middle Stone Age (MSA) in
southern Africa but the spatial and temporal
variability of this practice remains poorly
documented. This paucity of data in turn makes it
difficult to interrogate the motive factors
underlying the application of this technique. In
this paper we present data on heat treatment of
silcrete through the Howiesons Poort and
post-Howiesons Poort of the rock shelter site
Mertenhof, located in the Western Cape of South
Africa. In contrast to other sites where heat
treatment has been documented, distance to rock
source at Mertenhof can be reasonably well estimated,
and the site is known to contain high proportions of
a diversity of fine grained rocks including silcrete,
hornfels and chert at various points through the
sequence. Our results suggest the prevalence of heat
treatment is variable through the sequence but that
it is largely unaffected by the relative abundance
of silcrete prevalence. Instead there is a strong
inverse correlation between frequency of heat
treatment in silcrete and prevalence of chert in the
assemblage, and a generally positive correlation
with the proportion of locally available rock. While
it is difficult to separate individual factors we
suggest that, at Mertenhof at least, heat treatment
may have been used to improve the fracture
properties of silcrete at times when other finer
grained rocks were less readily available. As such,
heat treatment appears to have been a component of
the MSA behavioural repertoire that was flexibly
deployed in ways sensitive to other elements of
technological organisation. (...) |
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Mechanical evidence that Australopithecus sediba was
limited in its ability to eat hard foods,
di J. A. Ledogar et alii, "Nature
Communications" 7, 08 February 2016, doi:10.1038/ncomms10596
-
free access -
Australopithecus
sediba has been hypothesized to be a close relative
of the genus Homo. Here we show that MH1, the type
specimen of A. sediba, was not optimized to produce
high molar bite force and appears to have been
limited in its ability to consume foods that were
mechanically challenging to eat. Dental microwear
data have previously been interpreted as indicating
that A. sediba consumed hard foods, so our findings
illustrate that mechanical data are essential if one
aims to reconstruct a relatively complete picture of
feeding adaptations in extinct hominins. An
implication of our study is that the key to
understanding the origin of Homo lies in
understanding how environmental changes disrupted
gracile australopith niches. Resulting selection
pressures led to changes in diet and dietary
adaption that set the stage for the emergence of our
genus. (...) |
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Functional Analyses of Transcription Factor Binding
Sites that Differ between Present-Day and Archaic
Humans,
di S. Weyer, S. Pääbo, "Molecular Biology and
Evolution", Volume 33, Issue 2, February 2016
- free access -
We analyze 25
previously identified transcription factor binding
sites that carry DNA sequence changes that are
present in all or nearly all present-day humans, yet
occur in the ancestral state in Neandertals and
Denisovans, the closest evolutionary relatives of
humans. When the ancestral and derived forms of the
transcription factor binding sites are tested using
reporter constructs in 3 neuronal cell lines, the
activity of 12 of the derived versions of
transcription factor binding sites differ from the
respective ancestral variants. This suggests that
the majority of this class of evolutionary
differences between modern humans and Neandertals
may affect gene expression in at least some tissue
or cell type. (...) |
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Cranial base topology and
basic trends in the facial evolution of Homo,
di M. Bastir, A. Rosas, "Journal of Human Evolution",
Volume 91, February 2016, Pages 26–35
Facial prognathism and projection are important
characteristics in human evolution but their
three-dimensional (3D) architectonic relationships
to basicranial morphology are not clear. We used
geometric morphometrics and measured 51 3D-landmarks
in a comparative sample of modern humans (N = 78)
and fossil Pleistocene hominins (N = 10) to
investigate the spatial features of covariation
between basicranial and facial elements. The study
reveals complex morphological integration patterns
in craniofacial evolution of Middle and Late
Pleistocene hominins. A downwards-orientated cranial
base correlates with alveolar maxillary prognathism,
relatively larger faces, and relatively larger
distances between the anterior cranial base and the
frontal bone (projection). This upper facial
projection correlates with increased overall
relative size of the maxillary alveolar process.
Vertical facial height is associated with tall nasal
cavities and is accommodated by an elevated anterior
cranial base, possibly because of relations between
the cribriform and the nasal cavity in relation to
body size and energetics. Variation in upper- and
mid-facial projection can further be produced by
basicranial topology in which the midline base and
nasal cavity are shifted anteriorly relative to
retracted lateral parts of the base and the face.
The zygomatics and the middle cranial fossae act
together as bilateral vertical systems that are
either projected or retracted relative to the
midline facial elements, causing either midfacial
flatness or midfacial projection correspondingly. We
propose that facial flatness and facial projection
reflect classical principles of craniofacial growth
counterparts, while facial orientation relative to
the basicranium as well as facial proportions
reflect the complex interplay of head-body
integration in the light of encephalization and body
size decrease in Middle to Late Pleistocene hominin
evolution. Developmental and evolutionary patterns
of integration may only partially overlap
morphologically, and traditional concepts taken from
research on two-dimensional (2D) lateral X-rays and
sections have led to oversimplified and overly
mechanistic models of basicranial evolution. |
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The Uluzzian technology of
Grotta di Fumane and its implication for
reconstructing cultural dynamics in the Middle–Upper
Palaeolithic transition of Western Eurasia,
di M. Peresani, E. Cristiani, M. Romandini, "Journal
of Human Evolution", Volume 91, February 2016, Pages
36–56
From the intricate ensemble of evidence related to
the Middle–Upper Palaeolithic transition and the
presumed first spread of anatomically modern humans
in Europe, the Uluzzian has attracted major
attention in the past few years. Although the
Uluzzian has been viewed as a supposed product of
modern humans settling in Mediterranean Europe, the
techno–cultural complex has been the subject of few
investigations aiming to clarify its chronology,
bone industry, and settlement dynamics. Further,
little is known of its technological structure. This
article presents the results of an extensive study
of the lithic and bone technologies from assemblages
recovered at Fumane Cave in the north of Italy.
Results confirm that the Uluzzian is a
flake-dominated industry that brings together a set
of technological innovations. The Levallois is the
most used method in the initial phase, which is
replaced by more varied flaking procedures and an
increase in bladelets and flake-blades. Sidescrapers
and points also represent a Mousterian feature in
the initial phase, while splintered pieces, backed
knives and other Upper Palaeolithic tools increase
in the later phase. Our results suggest that the
Uluzzian is rooted in the Mousterian lithic
technological context and cannot be viewed as a
proxy for anatomically modern humans, the carriers
of the abrupt cultural changes related to the
Aurignacian. |
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Virtual ancestor reconstruction: Revealing the
ancestor of modern humans and Neandertals,
di A. Mounier, M. Mirazón Lahr, "Journal of Human
Evolution", Volume 91, February 2016, Pages 57–72
The
timing and geographic origin of the common ancestor
of modern humans and Neandertals remain
controversial. A poor Pleistocene hominin fossil
record and the evolutionary complexities introduced
by dispersals and regionalisation of lineages have
fuelled taxonomic uncertainty, while new ancient
genomic data have raised completely new questions.
Here, we use maximum likelihood and 3D geometric
morphometric methods to predict possible
morphologies of the last common ancestor of modern
humans and Neandertals from a simplified, fully
resolved phylogeny. We describe the fully rendered
3D shapes of the predicted ancestors of humans and
Neandertals, and assess their similarity to
individual fossils or populations of fossils of
Pleistocene age. Our results support models of an
Afro-European ancestral population in the Middle
Pleistocene (Homo heidelbergensis sensu lato) and
further predict an African origin for this ancestral
population. |
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Middle
Palaeolithic toolstone procurement behaviors at
Lusakert Cave 1, Hrazdan valley, Armenia,
di E. Frahm et alii, "Journal of Human
Evolution", Volume 91, February 2016, Pages 73–92
Strategies employed by Middle Palaeolithic hominins
to acquire lithic raw materials often play key roles
in assessing their movements through the landscape,
relationships with neighboring groups, and cognitive
abilities. It has been argued that a dependence on
local resources is a widespread characteristic of
the Middle Palaeolithic, but how such behaviors were
manifested on the landscape remains unclear. Does an
abundance of local toolstone reflect frequent
encounters with different outcrops while foraging,
or was a particular outcrop favored and
preferentially quarried? This study examines such
behaviors at a finer geospatial scale than is
usually possible, allowing us to investigate hominin
movements through the landscape surrounding Lusakert
Cave 1 in Armenia. Using our newly developed
approach to obsidian magnetic characterization, we
test a series of hypotheses regarding the locations
where hominins procured toolstone from a volcanic
complex adjacent to the site. Our goal is to
establish whether the cave's occupants procured
local obsidian from preferred outcrops or quarries,
secondary deposits of obsidian nodules along a river,
or a variety of exposures as encountered while
moving through the river valley or across the wider
volcanic landscape during the course of foraging
activities. As we demonstrate here, it is not the
case that one particular outcrop or deposit
attracted the cave occupants during the studied time
intervals. Nor did they acquire obsidian at random
across the landscape. Instead, our analyses support
the hypothesis that these hominins collected
obsidian from outcrops and exposures throughout the
adjacent river valley, reflecting the spatial scale
of their day-to-day foraging activities. The
coincidence of such behaviors within the
resource-rich river valley suggests efficient
exploitation of a diverse biome during a time
interval immediately preceding the Middle to Upper
Palaeolithic “transition,” the nature and timing of
which has yet to be determined for the region. |
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The
pattern of emergence of a Middle Stone Age tradition
at Gademotta and Kulkuletti (Ethiopia) through
convergent tool and point technologies,
di K. Douze, A. Delagnes, "Journal of Human
Evolution", Volume 91, February 2016, Pages 93–121
The
Gademotta and Kulkuletti site complex, located in
the central part of the Main Ethiopian Rift, is
known to be one of the richest early Middle Stone
Age (MSA) sequences in East Africa. The
technological assessment of three main sites
provides evidence of major changes in the production
of convergent tools over a period from before 280 ka
(thousands of years ago) to ca. 100 ka. Important
diachronic changes are identified in the
manufacturing process of convergent tools, by
shaping or retouching of predetermined points, and
in the core reduction process that produced the
corresponding blanks. These are: 1) the development
of specific Levallois methods for the production of
points (classical Levallois point production and
Nubian type 1 core reduction); and 2) the shift from
uni-bifacial invasive shaping of convergent tools to
localized slight retouch of predetermined points.
These technological changes in convergent tool
production reveal the gradual emergence of a new set
of technological behaviors that can be considered
specific to the MSA. While the eastern African MSA
is often considered as stable over time with minimal
innovation, our results provide an insight into
local behavioral mechanisms that have given rise to
changes in technological systems during the early
MSA. |
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Grotta del Cavallo. Fra Neanderthal e Homo sapiens,
di L. Sarti, F. Martini, "Archeologia Viva", n. 175
– gennaio/febbraio 2016, pp. 16-27
La ripresa delle indagini in questo antro della
provincia di Lecce consente di mettere a fuoco uno
dei passaggi più importanti dell’intera preistoria
europea quando fra Paleolitico medio e superiore
l’intero continente passò dalla presenza
incontrastata dei Neandertaliani alla supremazia
dell’Uomo anatomicamente moderno |
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The acheulean handaxe: More like a bird's song than
a beatles' tune?,
di R. Corbey, A. Jagich, K. Vaesen, M. Collard, "Evolutionary
Anthropology", Volume 25, Issue 1, pages 6–19,
January/February 2016
The goal of this paper
is to provoke debate about the nature of an iconic
artifact—the Acheulean handaxe. Specifically, we
want to initiate a conversation about whether or not
they are cultural objects. The vast majority of
archeologists assume that the behaviors involved in
the production of handaxes were acquired by social
learning and that handaxes are therefore cultural.
We will argue that this assumption is not warranted
on the basis of the available evidence and that an
alternative hypothesis should be given serious
consideration. This alternative hypothesis is that
the form of Acheulean handaxes was at least partly
under genetic control. |
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Error
found in study of first ancient African genome,
di E. Callaway, "Nature-News", 29 January 2016
An error has forced
researchers to go back on their claim that humans
across the whole of Africa carry DNA inherited from
Eurasian immigrants. This week the authors issued a
note explaining the mistake in their October 2015
Science paper on the genome of a 4,500-year-old man
from Ethiopia1 — the first complete ancient human
genome from Africa. The man was named after Mota
Cave, where his remains were found. Although the
first humans left Africa some 100,000 years ago, a
study published in 2013 found that some came back
again around 3,000 years ago; this reverse migration
has left its trace in African genomes. In the
Science paper, researchers confirmed this finding.
The paper also suggested that populations across the
continent still harbour significant ancestry from
the Middle Eastern farmers who were behind the
back-migration. Populations in East Africa,
including Ethiopian highlanders who live near Mota
Cave, carried the highest levels of Eurasian
ancestry. But the team also found vestiges of the
‘backflow’ migration in West Africans and in a pygmy
group in Central Africa, the Mbuti. Andrea Manica, a
population geneticist at the University of
Cambridge, UK, who co-led the study, says the team
made a mistake in its conclusion that the backflow
reached western and central Africa. “The movement
3,000 years ago, or thereabouts, was limited to
eastern Africa,” he says. (...) |
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Quantifying Oldowan Stone Tool Production at Olduvai
Gorge, Tanzania,
di Jay S. Reti, January 25, 2016, DOI: 10.1371/journal.pone.0147352
- free access -
Recent research
suggests that variation exists among and between
Oldowan stone tool assemblages. Oldowan variation
might represent differential constraints on raw
materials used to produce these stone implements.
Alternatively, variation among Oldowan assemblages
could represent different methods that Oldowan
producing hominins utilized to produce these lithic
implements. Identifying differential patterns of
stone tool production within the Oldowan has
implications for assessing how stone tool technology
evolved, how traditions of lithic production might
have been culturally transmitted, and for defining
the timing and scope of these evolutionary events.
At present there is no null model to predict what
morphological variation in the Oldowan should look
like. Without such a model, quantifying whether
Oldowan assemblages vary due to raw material
constraints or whether they vary due to differences
in production technique is not possible. This
research establishes a null model for Oldowan lithic
artifact morphological variation. To establish these
expectations this research 1) models the expected
range of variation through large scale reduction
experiments, 2) develops an algorithm to categorize
archaeological flakes based on how they are produced,
and 3) statistically assesses the methods of
production behavior used by Oldowan producing
hominins at the site of DK from Olduvai Gorge,
Tanzania via the experimental model. Results
indicate that a subset of quartzite flakes deviate
from the null expectations in a manner that
demonstrates efficiency in flake manufacture, while
some basalt flakes deviate from null expectations in
a manner that demonstrates inefficiency in flake
manufacture. The simultaneous presence of efficiency
in stone tool production for one raw material (quartzite)
and inefficiency in stone tool production for
another raw material (basalt) suggests that Oldowan
producing hominins at DK were able to mediate the
economic costs associated with stone tool
procurement by utilizing high-cost materials more
efficiently than is expected and low-cost materials
in an inefficient manner. (...) |
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Artists complete replica of Lascaux cave paintings,
29 January 2016
Three years of work has gone into creating a
true-to-life replica of renowned Stone Age cave
paintings in southwestern France, and the 46
segments are ready to be transported and installed
in a hillside near the original site in Montignac,
in the Dordogne, about 500 kilometres
south-southwest of Paris. The International Centre
of Parital Art, 150 metres long and 9 metres high,
will open by the end of the year. The original cave,
discovered in 1940 and closed to the public since
1963, contains nearly 2,000 Upper Palaeolithic wall
paintings depicting rhinos, horses, bison, deer and
panthers - Europe's most important collection of
prehistoric art, by the oldest known modern humans,
who came to Europe from Africa via Asia. A limited
set of reproductions have been on display since
1983. The 57 million-euro project to replicate the
entire set unites technology with a desire for the
utmost authenticity. (...) |
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New
findings on prehistoric stone tool industry in Italy,
17 January 2016
A newly released study suggests that the Uluzzian
stone tool industry, generally associated with
anatomically modern humans, has its roots in the
Mousterian industry, usually associated with
Neanderthals. The Uluzzian is a flake-dominated
industry that exhibits various technological
innovations, most of which are associated with the
kinds of technology that anatomically modern humans
brought to Europe during the Middle-Upper
Palaeolithic transition, arguably sometime between
40,000 and 50,000 years BP. In the study, Marco
Peresani of the University of Ferrara, Italy, and
colleagues conducted an extensive examination of the
lithic and bone technologies from assemblages
recovered from the Fumane Cave in northern Italy.
(...) |
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Grisly find suggests humans inhabited Arctic 45,000
years ago,
di A. Gibbons, Jan. 14, 2016
In August of 2012, an
11-year-old boy made a gruesome discovery in a
frozen bluff overlooking the Arctic Ocean. While
exploring the foggy coast of Yenisei Bay, about 2000
kilometers south of the North Pole, he came upon the
leg bones of a woolly mammoth eroding out of frozen
sediments. Scientists excavating the well-preserved
creature determined that it had been killed by
humans: Its eye sockets, ribs, and jaw had been
battered, apparently by spears, and one spear-point
had left a dent in its cheekbone—perhaps a missed
blow aimed at the base of its trunk. When they dated
the remains, the researchers got another surprise:
The mammoth died 45,000 years ago. That means that
humans lived in the Arctic more than 10,000 years
earlier than scientists believed, according to a new
study. The find suggests that even at this early
stage, humans were traversing the most frigid parts
of the globe and had the adaptive ability to migrate
almost everywhere. Most researchers had long thought
that big-game hunters, who left a trail of stone
tools around the Arctic 12,500 years ago, were the
first to reach the Arctic Circle. These cold-adapted
hunters apparently traversed Siberia and the Bering
Straits at least 15,000 years ago (and new dates
suggest humans may have been in the Americas as
early as 18,500 years ago). (...)
· Early human presence in the Arctic: Evidence from
45,000-year-old mammoth remains, di Vladimir V.
Pitulko et alii, "Science", 15 Jan 2016, Vol. 351,
Issue 6270, pp. 260-263 |
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Ancient tools may shed light on the mysterious ‘hobbit’,
di E. Culotta, Jan. 13, 2016
The “hobbit” had
neighbors. Back in 2004, researchers announced the
discovery of this tiny, ancient human, which
apparently hunted dwarf elephants with stone tools
on the Indonesian island of Flores 18,000 years ago.
Its discoverers called the 1-meter-tall creature
Homo floresiensis, but skeptics wondered whether it
was just a stunted modern human. In the years since,
researchers have debunked many of the “sick hobbit”
hypotheses. Yet scientists have continued to wonder
where the species came from. Now, an international
team originally led by the hobbit discoverer reports
stone tools, dated to 118,000 to 194,000 years ago,
from another Indonesian island, Sulawesi, likely
made by another archaic human—or possibly by other
hobbits. “It shows that on another island we have
evidence of a second archaic early human,” says
paleoanthropologist Russell Ciochon of the
University of Iowa in Iowa City, who was not
involved with the work. The discovery makes the
original hobbit claim appear more plausible, he says,
by suggesting that human ancestors may have
island-hopped more often than had been thought.
After international debate over the hobbit’s origins,
co-discoverer Michael Morwood—then an archaeologist
at the University of Wollongong (UOW) in
Australia—set out to search other islands from which
the tiny humans may have come. Java—more than 800
kilometers west of Flores but with a chain of
islands in between—was already known to be the
ancient home of the human ancestor H. erectus, a
globe-trotting species that dates as far back as 1.7
million years ago. But Morwood instead set out for
Sulawesi, 400 kilometers to the north, because
powerful ocean currents sweep southward from this
island toward Flores. Researchers had already found
some simple stone tools on Sulawesi, but they couldn’t
date the artifacts because they were found on the
ground rather than buried with datable minerals.
(...) |
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A 36,000-Year-Old Volcanic Eruption Depicted in the
Chauvet-Pont d’Arc Cave (Ardèche, France)?,
di S. Nomade et alii, January 8, 2016, DOI:
10.1371/journal.pone.0146621
- free access -
Among the paintings
and engravings found in the Chauvet-Pont d’Arc cave
(Ardèche, France), several peculiar spray-shape
signs have been previously described in the
Megaloceros Gallery. Here we document the occurrence
of strombolian volcanic activity located 35 km
northwest of the cave, and visible from the hills
above the cave entrance. The volcanic eruptions were
dated, using 40Ar/39Ar, between 29 ± 10 ka and 35 ±
8 ka (2σ), which overlaps with the 14C AMS and
thermoluminescence ages of the first Aurignacian
occupations of the cave in the Megaloceros Gallery.
Our work provides the first evidence of an intense
volcanic activity between 40 and 30 ka in the
Bas-Vivarais region, and it is very likely that
Humans living in the Ardèche river area witnessed
one or several eruptions. We propose that the
spray-shape signs found in the Chauvet-Pont d’Arc
cave could be the oldest known depiction of a
volcanic eruption, predating by more than 34 ka the
description by Pliny the Younger of the Vesuvius
eruption (AD 79) and by 28 ka the Çatalhöyük mural
discovered in central Turkey. (...) |
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Genomic Signatures of Selective Pressures and
Introgression from Archaic Hominins at Human Innate
Immunity Genes,
di M. Deschamps et alii, "The American
Journal of Human Genetics", Volume 98, Issue 1, pp.
5–21, 7 January 2016
Human genes governing
innate immunity provide a valuable tool for the
study of the selective pressure imposed by
microorganisms on host genomes. A comprehensive,
genome-wide study of how selective constraints and
adaptations have driven the evolution of innate
immunity genes is missing. Using full-genome
sequence variation from the 1000 Genomes Project, we
first show that innate immunity genes have globally
evolved under stronger purifying selection than the
remainder of protein-coding genes. We identify a
gene set under the strongest selective constraints,
mutations in which are likely to predispose
individuals to life-threatening disease, as
illustrated by STAT1 and TRAF3. We then evaluate the
occurrence of local adaptation and detect 57
high-scoring signals of positive selection at innate
immunity genes, variation in which has been
associated with susceptibility to common infectious
or autoimmune diseases. Furthermore, we show that
most adaptations targeting coding variation have
occurred in the last 6,000–13,000 years, the period
at which populations shifted from hunting and
gathering to farming. Finally, we show that innate
immunity genes present higher Neandertal
introgression than the remainder of the coding
genome. Notably, among the genes presenting the
highest Neandertal ancestry, we find the
TLR6-TLR1-TLR10 cluster, which also contains
functional adaptive variation in Europeans. This
study identifies highly constrained genes that
fulfill essential, non-redundant functions in host
survival and reveals others that are more permissive
to change—containing variation acquired from archaic
hominins or adaptive variants in specific
populations—improving our understanding of the
relative biological importance of innate immunity
pathways in natural conditions. |
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Introgression of Neandertal- and Denisovan-like
Haplotypes Contributes to Adaptive Variation in
Human Toll-like Receptors,
di M. Dannemann, A. M. Andrés, J. Kelso, "The
American Journal of Human Genetics", Volume 98,
Issue 1, p22–33, 7 January 2016
- free access -
Pathogens and the
diseases they cause have been among the most
important selective forces experienced by humans
during their evolutionary history. Although adaptive
alleles generally arise by mutation, introgression
can also be a valuable source of beneficial alleles.
Archaic humans, who lived in Europe and Western Asia
for more than 200,000 years, were probably well
adapted to this environment and its local pathogens.
It is therefore conceivable that modern humans
entering Europe and Western Asia who admixed with
them obtained a substantial immune advantage from
the introgression of archaic alleles. Here we
document a cluster of three Toll-like receptors
(TLR6-TLR1-TLR10) in modern humans that carries
three distinct archaic haplotypes, indicating
repeated introgression from archaic humans. Two of
these haplotypes are most similar to the Neandertal
genome, and the third haplotype is most similar to
the Denisovan genome. The Toll-like receptors are
key components of innate immunity and provide an
important first line of immune defense against
bacteria, fungi, and parasites. The unusually high
allele frequencies and unexpected levels of
population differentiation indicate that there has
been local positive selection on multiple haplotypes
at this locus. We show that the introgressed alleles
have clear functional effects in modern humans;
archaic-like alleles underlie differences in the
expression of the TLR genes and are associated with
Increased microbial resistance and increased
allergic disease in large cohorts. This provides
strong evidence for recurrent adaptive introgression
at the TLR6-TLR1-TLR10 locus, resulting in
differences in disease phenotypes in modern humans.
(...) |
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Le
specie umane estinte commettevano omicidi?,
06 gennaio 2016
L'accumulo di resti
fossili di Homo naledi trovati in una grotta quasi
inaccessibile fa sospettare che non si trattasse di
una sepoltura intenzionale, come suggeriscono gli
autori della scoperta, ma che qualcuno vi abbia
gettato delle vittime di omicidi, combattimenti o
sacrifici. (...) |
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Vertebral numbers and human evolution,
di S. A. Williams, E. R. Middleton, C. I. Villamil,
M. R. Shattuck, "American Journal of Physical
Anthropology", Volume 159, Issue S61, pages S19–S36,
January 2016
Ever since Tyson (1699), anatomists have noted and
compared differences in the regional numbers of
vertebrae among humans and other hominoids.
Subsequent workers interpreted these differences in
phylogenetic, functional, and behavioral frameworks
and speculated on the history of vertebral numbers
during human evolution. Even in a modern
phylogenetic framework and with greatly expanded
sample sizes of hominoid species, researchers’
conclusions vary drastically, positing that hominins
evolved from either a “long-backed” (numerically
long lumbar column) or a “short-backed” (numerically
short lumbar column) ancestor. We show that these
disparate interpretations are due in part to the use
of different criteria for what defines a lumbar
vertebra, but argue that, regardless of which lumbar
definition is used, hominins are similar to their
great ape relatives in possessing a short trunk, a
rare occurrence in mammals and one that defines the
clade Hominoidea. Furthermore, we address the recent
claim that the early hominin thoracolumbar
configuration is not distinct from that of modern
humans and conclude that early hominins show
evidence of “cranial shifting,” which might explain
the anomalous morphology of several early hominin
fossils. Finally, we evaluate the competing
hypotheses on numbers of vertebrae and argue that
the current data support a hominin ancestor with an
African ape-like short trunk and lower back. Am J
Phys Anthropol 159:S19–S36, 2016. © 2016 Wiley
Periodicals, Inc. |
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The bony labyrinth of the middle Pleistocene Sima de
los Huesos hominins (Sierra de Atapuerca, Spain),
di R. Quam, C. Lorenzo, I. Martínez, A.
Gracia-Téllez, J. L. Arsuaga, "Journal of Human
Evolution", Volume 90, January 2016, Pages 1–15
We performed 3D
virtual reconstructions based on CT scans to study
the bony labyrinth morphology in 14 individuals from
the large middle Pleistocene hominin sample from the
site of the Sima de los Huesos (SH) in the Sierra de
Atapuerca in northern Spain. The Atapuerca (SH)
hominins represent early members of the Neandertal
clade and provide an opportunity to compare the data
with the later in time Neandertals, as well as
Pleistocene and recent humans more broadly. The
Atapuerca (SH) hominins do not differ from the
Neandertals in any of the variables related to the
absolute and relative sizes and shape of the
semicircular canals. Indeed, the entire Neandertal
clade seems to be characterized by a derived pattern
of canal proportions, including a relatively small
posterior canal and a relatively large lateral
canal. In contrast, one of the most distinctive
features observed in Neandertals, the low placement
of the posterior canal (i.e., high sagittal
labyrinthine index), is generally not present in the
Atapuerca (SH) hominins. This low placement is
considered a derived feature in Neandertals and is
correlated with a more vertical orientation of the
ampullar line (LSCm < APA), posterior surface of the
petrous pyramid (LSCm > PPp), and third part of the
facial canal (LSCm < FC3). Some variation is present
within the Atapuerca (SH) sample, however, with a
few individuals approaching the Neandertal condition
more closely. In addition, the cochlear shape index
in the Atapuerca (SH) hominins is low, indicating a
reduction in the height of the cochlea. Although the
phylogenetic polarity of this feature is less clear,
the low shape index in the Atapuerca (SH) hominins
may be a derived feature. Regardless, cochlear
height subsequently increased in Neandertals. In
contrast to previous suggestions, the expanded data
in the present study indicate no difference across
the genus Homo in the angle of inclination of the
cochlear basal turn (COs < LSCm). Principal
components analysis largely confirms these
observations. While not fully resolved, the low
placement of the posterior canal in Neandertals may
be related to some combination of absolutely large
brain size, a wide cranial base, and an archaic
pattern of brain allometry. This more general
explanation would not necessarily follow taxonomic
lines, even though this morphology of the bony
labyrinth occurs at high frequencies among
Neandertals. While a functional interpretation of
the relatively small vertical canals in the
Neandertal clade remains elusive, the relative
proportions of the semicircular canals is one of
several derived Neandertal features in the Atapuerca
(SH) crania. Examination of additional European
middle Pleistocene specimens suggests that the full
suite of Neandertal features in the bony labyrinth
did not emerge in Europe until perhaps <200 kya. |
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Dental
size reduction in Indonesian Homo erectus:
Implications for the PU-198 premolar and the
appearance of Homo sapiens on Java,
di J. M. Polanski, H. E. Marsh, S. D. Maddux,
"Journal of Human Evolution", Volume 90, January
2016, Pages 49–54
The recent recovery of
a hominin maxillary third premolar, PU-198, within
the faunal collections from Punung Cave (East Java)
has led to assertions that Homo sapiens appeared on
Java between 143,000 and 115,000 years ago. The
taxonomic assignment of PU-198 to H. sapiens was
based predominantly on the small size of the
specimen, following an analysis which found little
to no overlap in premolar size between Homo erectus
and terminal Pleistocene/Holocene H. sapiens. Here,
we re-evaluate the use of size in the taxonomic
assignment of PU-198 in light of 1) new buccolingual
and mesiodistal measurements taken on the fossil, 2)
comparisons to a larger sample of H. erectus and H.
sapiens maxillary third premolars, and 3) evidence
of a diachronic trend in post-canine dental size
reduction among Javan H. erectus. Our results
demonstrate PU-198 to be slightly larger than
previously suggested, reveal substantial overlap in
premolar size between H. erectus and H. sapiens, and
indicate a statistically significant reduction in
premolar size between early and late Javan H.
erectus. Our findings cast doubt on the assignment
of PU-198 to H. sapiens, and accordingly, question
the appearance of H. sapiens on Java between 143,000
and 115,000 years ago. |
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Fossil hominin radii from the
Sima de los Huesos Middle Pleistocene site (Sierra
de Atapuerca, Spain),
di L. Rodríguez et alii, "Journal of Human
Evolution", Volume 90, January 2016, Pages 55–73
Complete radii in the fossil record preceding recent
humans and Neandertals are very scarce. Here we
introduce the radial remains recovered from the Sima
de los Huesos (SH) site in the Sierra de Atapuerca
between 1976 and 2011 and which have been dated in
excess of 430 ky (thousands of years) ago. The
sample comprises 89 specimens, 49 of which are
attributed to adults representing a minimum of seven
individuals. All elements are described anatomically
and metrically, and compared with other fossil
hominins and recent humans in order to examine the
phylogenetic polarity of certain radial features.
Radial remains from SH have some traits that
differentiate them from those of recent humans and
make them more similar to Neandertals, including
strongly curved shafts, anteroposterior expanded
radial heads and both absolutely and relatively long
necks. In contrast, the SH sample differs from
Neandertals in showing a high overall gracility as
well as a high frequency (80%) of an anteriorly
oriented radial tuberosity. Thus, like the cranial
and dental remains from the SH site, characteristic
Neandertal radial morphology is not present fully in
the SH radii. We also analyzed the cross-sectional
properties of the SH radial sample at two different
levels: mid-shaft and at the midpoint of the neck
length. When standardized by shaft length, no
difference in the mid-shaft cross-sectional
properties were found between the SH hominins,
Neandertals and recent humans. Nevertheless, due to
their long neck length, the SH hominins show a
higher lever efficiency than either Neandertals or
recent humans. Functionally, the SH radial
morphology is consistent with more efficient
pronation-supination and flexion-extension movements.
The particular trait composition in the SH sample
and Neandertals resembles more closely morphology
evident in recent human males. |
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The
subtalar joint complex of Australopithecus sediba,
di T. C. Prang, "Journal of Human Evolution", Volume
90, January 2016, Pages 105–119
The
hominin talus has figured prominently in previous
studies of the functional morphology of the
talocrural joint, but the talocalcaneal and
talonavicular joints have received comparatively
less attention despite their functional importance
as components of the subtalar joint complex. An
associated complete talus and calcaneus attributed
to the Malapa Hominin 2 (MH2) individual of
Australopithecus sediba offers the opportunity to
evaluate the subtalar joint complex in an early
hominin. Furthermore, detailed morphological
comparisons of A. sediba to other fossil hominins
such as Australopithecus africanus have not yet been
conducted. Here I quantify joint curvatures and
angular measurements among extant hominoids and
fossil hominins to evaluate the functional
morphology of the subtalar joint complex of A.
sediba. Australopithecus sediba uniquely combines
talocalcaneal joint morphology indicative of
mobility with specializations of the talonavicular
joint that provide medial midtarsal stabilization.
Multivariate analyses of talus and calcaneus
variables show that A. sediba is most similar to
extant gorillas in the morphology of the subtalar
joint complex. In contrast, other hominins, such as
OH 8, are more similar to modern humans. The
morphological similarity between MH2 (U.W. 88-98/99)
and specimens from Sterkfontein, Member 4 (StW 88,
StW 102, StW 352) in morphologies of the
talonavicular and talocalcaneal joints suggests that
A. sediba may have possessed a foot that was
functionally similar to that of A. africanus. This
combination of morphologies in the A. sediba foot is
probably derived among hominins and suggests that
arboreality may have been adaptively significant for
southern African Australopithecus. |
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Cranial vault thickness in
primates: Homo erectus does not have uniquely thick
vault bones,
di L. E. Copes, W. H. Kimbel, "Journal of Human
Evolution", Volume 90, January 2016, Pages 120–134
Extremely thick cranial vaults have been noted as a
diagnostic characteristic of Homo erectus since the
first fossil of the species was identified, but
relatively little work has been done on elucidating
its etiology or variation across fossils, living
humans, or extant non-human primates. Cranial vault
thickness (CVT) is not a monolithic trait, and the
responsiveness of its layers to environmental
stimuli is unknown. We obtained measurements of
cranial vault thickness in fossil hominins from the
literature and supplemented those data with
additional measurements taken on African fossil
specimens. Total CVT and the thickness of the
cortical and diploë layers individually were
compared to measures of CVT in extant species
measured from more than 500 CT scans of human and
non-human primates. Frontal and parietal CVT in
fossil primates was compared to a regression of CVT
on cranial capacity calculated for extant species.
Even after controlling for cranial capacity, African
and Asian H. erectus do not have uniquely high
frontal or parietal thickness residuals, either
among hominins or extant primates. Extant primates
with residual CVT thickness similar to or exceeding
H. erectus (depending on the sex and bone analyzed)
include Nycticebus coucang, Perodicticus potto,
Alouatta caraya, Lophocebus albigena, Galago alleni,
Mandrillus sphinx, and Propithecus diadema. However,
the especially thick vaults of extant non-human
primates that overlap with H. erectus values are
composed primarily of cortical bone, while H.
erectus and other hominins have diploë-dominated
vault bones. Thus, the combination of thick vaults
comprised of a thickened diploë layer may be a
reliable autapomorphy for members of the genus Homo. |
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Cochlear labyrinth volume in
Krapina Neandertals,
di M. E. Beals, D. W. Frayer, J. Radovčić, C. A.
Hill, "Journal of Human Evolution", Volume 90,
January 2016, Pages 176–182
Research with extant primate taxa suggests that
cochlear labyrinth volume is functionally related to
the range of audible frequencies. Specifically,
cochlear volume is negatively correlated with both
the high and low frequency limits of hearing so that
the smaller the cochlea, the higher the normal range
of audible frequencies. The close anatomical
relationship between the membranous cochlea and the
bony cochlear labyrinth allows for the determination
of cochlear size from fossil specimens. This study
compares Krapina Neandertal cochlear volumes to
extant taxa cochlear volumes. Cochlear volumes were
acquired from high-resolution computed tomography
scans of temporal bones of Krapina Neandertals,
chimpanzees, gorillas, and modern humans. We find
that Krapina Neandertals' cochlear volumes are
similar to modern Homo sapiens and are significantly
larger than chimpanzee and gorilla cochlear volumes.
The measured cochlear volume in Krapina Neandertals
suggests they had a range of audible frequencies
similar to the modern human range. |
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Chronology for the Cueva
Victoria fossil site (SE Spain): Evidence for Early
Pleistocene Afro-Iberian dispersals,
di L. Gibert et alii, "Journal of Human
Evolution", Volume 90, January 2016, Pages 183–197
Cueva Victoria has provided remains of more than 90
species of fossil vertebrates, including a hominin
phalanx, and the only specimens of the African
cercopithecid Theropithecus oswaldi in Europe. To
constrain the age of the vertebrate remains we used
paleomagnetism, vertebrate biostratigraphy and
230Th/U dating. Normal polarity was identified in
the non-fossiliferous lowest and highest
stratigraphic units (red clay and capping flowstones)
while reverse polarity was found in the intermediate
stratigraphic unit (fossiliferous breccia). A lower
polarity change occurred during the deposition of
the decalcification clay, when the cave was closed
and karstification was active. A second polarity
change occurred during the capping flowstone
formation, when the upper galleries were filled with
breccia. The mammal association indicates a
post-Jaramillo age, which allows us to correlate
this upper reversal with the Brunhes–Matuyama
boundary (0.78 Ma). Consequently, the lower reversal
(N-R) is interpreted as the end of the Jaramillo
magnetochron (0.99 Ma). These ages bracket the age
of the fossiliferous breccia between 0.99 and 0.78
Ma, suggesting that the capping flowstone was formed
during the wet Marine Isotopic Stage 19, which
includes the Brunhes–Matuyama boundary. Fossil
remains of Theropithecus have been only found in
situ ∼1 m below the B/M boundary, which allows us to
place the arrival of Theropithecus to Cueva Victoria
at ∼0.9–0.85 Ma. The fauna of Cueva Victoria lived
during a period of important climatic change, known
as the Early-Middle Pleistocene Climatic Transition.
The occurrence of the oldest European Acheulean
tools at the contemporaneous nearby site of Cueva
Negra suggest an African dispersal into SE Iberia
through the Strait of Gibraltar during MIS 22, when
sea-level was ∼100 m below its present position,
allowing the passage into Europe of, at least,
Theropithecus and Homo bearing Acheulean technology. |
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An experimental approach to distinguishing different
stone artefact transport patterns from debitage
assemblages,
di K. Ditchfield, "Journal of Archaeological
Science", Volume 65, January 2016, Pages 44–56
This paper
experimentally demonstrates the ability of a set of
indices to distinguish between different stone
artefact transport patterns represented in debitage
assemblages. Stone artefacts were transported
extensively in the past and this is an important
component of technological organisation. However,
most stone artefacts occur as part of debitage
assemblages. From these assemblages, where mostly
non-transported artefacts remain, it can be
challenging to identify what artefacts, if any, were
transported in anticipation of future use. A series
of indices; the cortex ratio, volume ratio, flake to
core ratio, non-cortical to cortical flake ratio and
flake/core diminution tests are presented to meet
this challenge. These are tested on an experimental
assemblage where three different transport scenarios
are simulated. Results suggest that the indices are
sensitive to artefact transport and are capable of
empirically distinguishing between the three
transport scenarios, even when raw material form
varies. The results also indicate that artefact
transport is capable of exerting a significant
influence on stone artefact assemblage formation. |
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Index
di antiqui |
Sommario
bacheca |
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